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history_of_the_decline_and_fall_of_the_roman_empire_edward_gibbon_volume_5_pg2 [2018/04/21 03:41] (current)
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 +====== History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire ======
 +
 +{{ :​edward-gibbon-2-sized.jpg?​nolink|Edward Gibbon}}
 +
 +===== Edward Gibbon, Esq. =====
 +
 +With notes by the Rev. H. H. Milman
 +
 +1782 (Written), 1845 (Revised)
 +
 +==== Volume 5 (of 6) Chapter 52,53,54 ====
 +
 +[[history_of_the_decline_and_fall_of_the_roman_empire_edward_gibbon|]]
 +
 +====== Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. ======
 +
 +===== Part I. =====
 +
 +The Two Sieges Of Constantinople By The Arabs. - Their Invasion Of France, And Defeat By Charles Martel. - Civil War Of The Ommiades And Abbassides. - Learning Of The Arabs. - Luxury Of The Caliphs. - Naval Enterprises On Crete, Sicily, And Rome. - Decay And Division Of The Empire Of The Caliphs. - Defeats And Victories Of The Greek Emperors.
 +
 +When the Arabs first issued from the desert, they must have been surprised at the ease and rapidity of their own success. But when they advanced in the career of victory to the banks of the Indus and the summit of the Pyrenees; when they had repeatedly tried the edge of their cimeters and the energy of their faith, they might be equally astonished that any nation could resist their invincible arms; that any boundary should confine the dominion of the successor of the prophet. ​ The confidence of soldiers and fanatics may indeed be excused, since the calm historian of the present hour, who strives to follow the rapid course of the Saracens, must study to explain by what means the church and state were saved from this impending, and, as it should seem, from this inevitable, danger. ​ The deserts of Scythia and Sarmatia might be guarded by their extent, their climate, their poverty, and the courage of the northern shepherds; China was remote and inaccessible;​ but the greatest part of the temperate zone was subject to the Mahometan conquerors, the Greeks were exhausted by the calamities of war and the loss of their fairest provinces, and the Barbarians of Europe might justly tremble at the precipitate fall of the Gothic monarchy. ​ In this inquiry I shall unfold the events that rescued our ancestors of Britain, and our neighbors of Gaul, from the civil and religious yoke of the Koran; that protected the majesty of Rome, and delayed the servitude of Constantinople;​ that invigorated the defence of the Christians, and scattered among their enemies the seeds of division and decay.
 +
 +Forty-six years after the flight of Mahomet from Mecca, his disciples appeared in arms under the walls of Constantinople. ^1 They were animated by a genuine or fictitious saying of the prophet, that, to the first army which besieged the city of the Caesars, their sins were forgiven: the long series of Roman triumphs would be meritoriously transferred to the conquerors of New Rome; and the wealth of nations was deposited in this well-chosen seat of royalty and commerce. ​ No sooner had the caliph Moawiyah suppressed his rivals and established his throne, than he aspired to expiate the guilt of civil blood, by the success and glory of this holy expedition; ^2 his preparations by sea and land were adequate to the importance of the object; his standard was intrusted to Sophian, a veteran warrior, but the troops were encouraged by the example and presence of Yezid, the son and presumptive heir of the commander of the faithful. ​ The Greeks had little to hope, nor had their enemies any reason of fear, from the courage and vigilance of the reigning emperor, who disgraced the name of Constantine,​ and imitated only the inglorious years of his grandfather Heraclius. ​ Without delay or opposition, the naval forces of the Saracens passed through the unguarded channel of the Hellespont, which even now, under the feeble and disorderly government of the Turks, is maintained as the natural bulwark of the capital. ^3 The Arabian fleet cast anchor, and the troops were disembarked near the palace of Hebdomon, seven miles from the city.  During many days, from the dawn of light to the evening, the line of assault was extended from the golden gate to the eastern promontory and the foremost warriors were impelled by the weight and effort of the succeeding columns. ​ But the besiegers had formed an insufficient estimate of the strength and resources of Constantinople. ​ The solid and lofty walls were guarded by numbers and discipline: the spirit of the Romans was rekindled by the last danger of their religion and empire: the fugitives from the conquered provinces more successfully renewed the defence of Damascus and Alexandria; and the Saracens were dismayed by the strange and prodigious effects of artificial fire.  This firm and effectual resistance diverted their arms to the more easy attempt of plundering the European and Asiatic coasts of the Propontis; and, after keeping the sea from the month of April to that of September, on the approach of winter they retreated fourscore miles from the capital, to the Isle of Cyzicus, in which they had established their magazine of spoil and provisions. ​ So patient was their perseverance,​ or so languid were their operations, that they repeated in the six following summers the same attack and retreat, with a gradual abatement of hope and vigor, till the mischances of shipwreck and disease, of the sword and of fire, compelled them to relinquish the fruitless enterprise. ​ They might bewail the loss, or commemorate the martyrdom, of thirty thousand Moslems, who fell in the siege of Constantinople;​ and the solemn funeral of Abu Ayub, or Job, excited the curiosity of the Christians themselves. That venerable Arab, one of the last of the companions of Mahomet, was numbered among the ansars, or auxiliaries,​ of Medina, who sheltered the head of the flying prophet. ​ In his youth he fought, at Beder and Ohud, under the holy standard: in his mature age he was the friend and follower of Ali; and the last remnant of his strength and life was consumed in a distant and dangerous war against the enemies of the Koran. ​ His memory was revered; but the place of his burial was neglected and unknown, during a period of seven hundred and eighty years, till the conquest of Constantinople by Mahomet the Second. ​ A seasonable vision (for such are the manufacture of every religion) revealed the holy spot at the foot of the walls and the bottom of the harbor; and the mosch of Ayub has been deservedly chosen for the simple and martial inauguration of the Turkish sultans. ^4
 +
 +[Footnote 1: Theophanes places the seven years of the siege of Constantinople in the year of our Christian aera, 673 (of the Alexandrian 665, Sept. 1,) and the peace of the Saracens, four years afterwards; a glaring inconsistency! which Petavius, Goar, and Pagi, (Critica, tom. iv. p. 63, 64,) have struggled to remove. ​ Of the Arabians, the Hegira 52 (A.D. 672, January 8) is assigned by Elmacin, the year 48 (A.D. 688, Feb. 20) by Abulfeda, whose testimony I esteem the most convenient and credible.]
 +
 +[Footnote 2: For this first siege of Constantinople,​ see Nicephorus, (Breviar. p. 21, 22;) Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 294;) Cedrenus, (Compend. p. 437;) Zonaras, (Hist. tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 89;) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 56, 57;) Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 107, 108, vers. Reiske;) D'​Herbelot,​ (Bibliot. Orient. Constantinah;​) Ockley'​s History of the Saracens, vol. ii. p. 127, 128.]
 +
 +[Footnote 3: The state and defence of the Dardanelles is exposed in the Memoirs of the Baron de Tott, (tom. iii. p. 39 - 97,) who was sent to fortify them against the Russians. ​ From a principal actor, I should have expected more accurate details; but he seems to write for the amusement, rather than the instruction,​ of his reader. ​ Perhaps, on the approach of the enemy, the minister of Constantine was occupied, like that of Mustapha, in finding two Canary birds who should sing precisely the same note.]
 +
 +[Footnote 4: Demetrius Cantemir'​s Hist. of the Othman Empire, p. 105, 106. Rycaut'​s State of the Ottoman Empire, p. 10, 11. Voyages of Thevenot, part i. p. 189.  The Christians, who suppose that the martyr Abu Ayub is vulgarly confounded with the patriarch Job, betray their own ignorance rather than that of the Turks.]
 +
 +The event of the siege revived, both in the East and West, the reputation of the Roman arms, and cast a momentary shade over the glories of the Saracens. ​ The Greek ambassador was favorably received at Damascus, a general council of the emirs or Koreish: a peace, or truce, of thirty years was ratified between the two empires; and the stipulation of an annual tribute, fifty horses of a noble breed, fifty slaves, and three thousand pieces of gold, degraded the majesty of the commander of the faithful. ^5 The aged caliph was desirous of possessing his dominions, and ending his days in tranquillity and repose: while the Moors and Indians trembled at his name, his palace and city of Damascus was insulted by the Mardaites, or Maronites, of Mount Libanus, the firmest barrier of the empire, till they were disarmed and transplanted by the suspicious policy of the Greeks. ^6 After the revolt of Arabia and Persia, the house of Ommiyah was reduced to the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt: their distress and fear enforced their compliance with the pressing demands of the Christians; and the tribute was increased to a slave, a horse, and a thousand pieces of gold, for each of the three hundred and sixty-five days of the solar year. But as soon as the empire was again united by the arms and policy of Abdalmalek, he disclaimed a badge of servitude not less injurious to his conscience than to his pride; he discontinued the payment of the tribute; and the resentment of the Greeks was disabled from action by the mad tyranny of the second Justinian, the just rebellion of his subjects, and the frequent change of his antagonists and successors. ​ Till the reign of Abdalmalek, the Saracens had been content with the free possession of the Persian and Roman treasures, in the coins of Chosroes and Caesar. ​ By the command of that caliph, a national mint was established,​ both for silver and gold, and the inscription of the Dinar, though it might be censured by some timorous casuists, proclaimed the unity of the God of Mahomet. ^8 Under the reign of the caliph Walid, the Greek language and characters were excluded from the accounts of the public revenue. ^9 If this change was productive of the invention or familiar use of our present numerals, the Arabic or Indian ciphers, as they are commonly styled, a regulation of office has promoted the most important discoveries of arithmetic, algebra, and the mathematical sciences. ^10
 +
 +[Footnote 5: Theophanes, though a Greek, deserves credit for these tributes, (Chronograph. p. 295, 296, 300, 301,) which are confirmed, with some variation, by the Arabic History of Abulpharagius,​ (Dynast. p. 128, vers. Pocock.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 6: The censure of Theophanes is just and pointed, (Chronograph. p. 302, 303.) The series of these events may be traced in the Annals of Theophanes, and in the Abridgment of the patriarch Nicephorus, p. 22, 24.] [Footnote 7: These domestic revolutions are related in a clear and natural style, in the second volume of Ockley'​s History of the Saracens, p. 253 - 370. Besides our printed authors, he draws his materials from the Arabic Mss. of Oxford, which he would have more deeply searched had he been confined to the Bodleian library instead of the city jail a fate how unworthy of the man and of his country!]
 +
 +[Footnote 8: Elmacin, who dates the first coinage A. H. 76, A.D. 695, five or six years later than the Greek historians, has compared the weight of the best or common gold dinar to the drachm or dirhem of Egypt, (p. 77,) which may be equal to two pennies (48 grains) of our Troy weight, (Hooper'​s Inquiry into Ancient Measures, p. 24 - 36,) and equivalent to eight shillings of our sterling money. ​ From the same Elmacin and the Arabian physicians, some dinars as high as two dirhems, as low as half a dirhem, may be deduced. ​ The piece of silver was the dirhem, both in value and weight; but an old, though fair coin, struck at Waset, A. H. 88, and preserved in the Bodleian library, wants four grains of the Cairo standard, (see the Modern Universal History, tom. i. p. 548 of the French translation.)
 +
 +Note: Up to this time the Arabs had used the Roman or the Persian coins or had minted others which resembled them. Nevertheless,​ it has been admitted of late years, that the Arabians, before this epoch, had caused coin to be minted, on which, preserving the Roman or the Persian dies, they added Arabian names or inscriptions. ​ Some of these exist in different collections. ​ We learn from Makrizi, an Arabian author of great learning and judgment, that in the year 18 of the Hegira, under the caliphate of Omar, the Arabs had coined money of this description. ​ The same author informs us that the caliph Abdalmalek caused coins to be struck representing himself with a sword by his side.  These types, so contrary to the notions of the Arabs, were disapproved by the most influential persons of the time, and the caliph substituted for them, after the year 76 of the Hegira, the Mahometan coins with which we are acquainted. Consult, on the question of Arabic numismatics,​ the works of Adler, of Fraehn, of Castiglione,​ and of Marsden, who have treated at length this interesting point of historic antiquities. See, also, in the Journal Asiatique, tom. ii. p. 257, et seq., a paper of M. Silvestre de Sacy, entitled Des Monnaies des Khalifes avant l'An 75 de l'​Hegire. ​ See, also the translation of a German paper on the Arabic medals of the Chosroes, by M. Fraehn. in the same Journal Asiatique tom. iv. p. 331 - 347.  St. Martin, vol. xii. p. 19 - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote 9: Theophan. ​ Chronograph. p. 314.  This defect, if it really existed, must have stimulated the ingenuity of the Arabs to invent or borrow.] [Footnote 10: According to a new, though probable, notion, maintained by M de Villoison, (Anecdota Graeca, tom. ii. p. 152 - 157,) our ciphers are not of Indian or Arabic invention. ​ They were used by the Greek and Latin arithmeticians long before the age of Boethius. ​ After the extinction of science in the West, they were adopted by the Arabic versions from the original Mss., and restored to the Latins about the xith century. Note: Compare, on the Introduction of the Arabic numerals, Hallam'​s Introduction to the Literature of Europe, p. 150, note, and the authors quoted therein. - M.]
 +
 +Whilst the caliph Walid sat idle on the throne of Damascus, whilst his lieutenants achieved the conquest of Transoxiana and Spain, a third army of Saracens overspread the provinces of Asia Minor, and approached the borders of the Byzantine capital. ​ But the attempt and disgrace of the second siege was reserved for his brother Soliman, whose ambition appears to have been quickened by a more active and martial spirit. ​ In the revolutions of the Greek empire, after the tyrant Justinian had been punished and avenged, an humble secretary, Anastasius or Artemius, was promoted by chance or merit to the vacant purple. ​ He was alarmed by the sound of war; and his ambassador returned from Damascus with the tremendous news, that the Saracens were preparing an armament by sea and land, such as would transcend the experience of the past, or the belief of the present age. The precautions of Anastasius were not unworthy of his station, or of the impending danger. ​ He issued a peremptory mandate, that all persons who were not provided with the means of subsistence for a three years' siege should evacuate the city: the public granaries and arsenals were abundantly replenished;​ the walls were restored and strengthened;​ and the engines for casting stones, or darts, or fire, were stationed along the ramparts, or in the brigantines of war, of which an additional number was hastily constructed. ​ To prevent is safer, as well as more honorable, than to repel, an attack; and a design was meditated, above the usual spirit of the Greeks, of burning the naval stores of the enemy, the cypress timber that had been hewn in Mount Libanus, and was piled along the sea-shore of Phoenicia, for the service of the Egyptian fleet. ​ This generous enterprise was defeated by the cowardice or treachery of the troops, who, in the new language of the empire, were styled of the Obsequian Theme. ^11 They murdered their chief, deserted their standard in the Isle of Rhodes, dispersed themselves over the adjacent continent, and deserved pardon or reward by investing with the purple a simple officer of the revenue. ​ The name of Theodosius might recommend him to the senate and people; but, after some months, he sunk into a cloister, and resigned, to the firmer hand of Leo the Isaurian, the urgent defence of the capital and empire. ​ The most formidable of the Saracens, Moslemah, the brother of the caliph, was advancing at the head of one hundred and twenty thousand Arabs and Persians, the greater part mounted on horses or camels; and the successful sieges of Tyana, Amorium, and Pergamus, were of sufficient duration to exercise their skill and to elevate their hopes. ​ At the well-known passage of Abydus, on the Hellespont, the Mahometan arms were transported,​ for the first time, ^* from Asia to Europe. From thence, wheeling round the Thracian cities of the Propontis, Moslemah invested Constantinople on the land side, surrounded his camp with a ditch and rampart, prepared and planted his engines of assault, and declared, by words and actions, a patient resolution of expecting the return of seed-time and harvest, should the obstinacy of the besieged prove equal to his own. ^! The Greeks would gladly have ransomed their religion and empire, by a fine or assessment of a piece of gold on the head of each inhabitant of the city; but the liberal offer was rejected with disdain, and the presumption of Moslemah was exalted by the speedy approach and invincible force of the natives of Egypt and Syria. ​ They are said to have amounted to eighteen hundred ships: the number betrays their inconsiderable size; and of the twenty stout and capacious vessels, whose magnitude impeded their progress, each was manned with no more than one hundred heavy-armed soldiers. ​ This huge armada proceeded on a smooth sea, and with a gentle gale, towards the mouth of the Bosphorus; the surface of the strait was overshadowed,​ in the language of the Greeks, with a moving forest, and the same fatal night had been fixed by the Saracen chief for a general assault by sea and land.  To allure the confidence of the enemy, the emperor had thrown aside the chain that usually guarded the entrance of the harbor; but while they hesitated whether they should seize the opportunity,​ or apprehend the snare, the ministers of destruction were at hand.  The fire-ships of the Greeks were launched against them; the Arabs, their arms, and vessels, were involved in the same flames; the disorderly fugitives were dashed against each other or overwhelmed in the waves; and I no longer find a vestige of the fleet, that had threatened to extirpate the Roman name.  A still more fatal and irreparable loss was that of the caliph Soliman, who died of an indigestion,​ ^12 in his camp near Kinnisrin or Chalcis in Syria, as he was preparing to lead against Constantinople the remaining forces of the East. The brother of Moslemah was succeeded by a kinsman and an enemy; and the throne of an active and able prince was degraded by the useless and pernicious virtues of a bigot. ^!! While he started and satisfied the scruples of a blind conscience, the siege was continued through the winter by the neglect, rather than by the resolution of the caliph Omar. ^13 The winter proved uncommonly rigorous: above a hundred days the ground was covered with deep snow, and the natives of the sultry climes of Egypt and Arabia lay torpid and almost lifeless in their frozen camp.  They revived on the return of spring; a second effort had been made in their favor; and their distress was relieved by the arrival of two numerous fleets, laden with corn, and arms, and soldiers; the first from Alexandria, of four hundred transports and galleys; the second of three hundred and sixty vessels from the ports of Africa. ​ But the Greek fires were again kindled; and if the destruction was less complete, it was owing to the experience which had taught the Moslems to remain at a safe distance, or to the perfidy of the Egyptian mariners, who deserted with their ships to the emperor of the Christians. ​ The trade and navigation of the capital were restored; and the produce of the fisheries supplied the wants, and even the luxury, of the inhabitants. ​ But the calamities of famine and disease were soon felt by the troops of Moslemah, and as the former was miserably assuaged, so the latter was dreadfully propagated, by the pernicious nutriment which hunger compelled them to extract from the most unclean or unnatural food.  The spirit of conquest, and even of enthusiasm, was extinct: the Saracens could no longer struggle, beyond their lines, either single or in small parties, without exposing themselves to the merciless retaliation of the Thracian peasants. An army of Bulgarians was attracted from the Danube by the gifts and promises of Leo; and these savage auxiliaries made some atonement for the evils which they had inflicted on the empire, by the defeat and slaughter of twenty-two thousand Asiatics. ​ A report was dexterously scattered, that the Franks, the unknown nations of the Latin world, were arming by sea and land in the defence of the Christian cause, and their formidable aid was expected with far different sensations in the camp and city.  At length, after a siege of thirteen months, ^14 the hopeless Moslemah received from the caliph the welcome permission of retreat. ^* The march of the Arabian cavalry over the Hellespont and through the provinces of Asia, was executed without delay or molestation;​ but an army of their brethren had been cut in pieces on the side of Bithynia, and the remains of the fleet were so repeatedly damaged by tempest and fire, that only five galleys entered the port of Alexandria to relate the tale of their various and almost incredible disasters. ^15
 +
 +[Footnote 11: In the division of the Themes, or provinces described by Constantine Porphyrogenitus,​ (de Thematibus, l. i. p. 9, 10,) the Obsequium, a Latin appellation of the army and palace, was the fourth in the public order. Nice was the metropolis, and its jurisdiction extended from the Hellespont over the adjacent parts of Bithynia and Phrygia, (see the two maps prefixed by Delisle to the Imperium Orientale of Banduri.)]
 +
 +[Footnote *: Compare page 274.  It is singular that Gibbon should thus contradict himself in a few pages. ​ By his own account this was the second time. - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote !: The account of this siege in the Tarikh Tebry is a very unfavorable specimen of Asiatic history, full of absurd fables, and written with total ignorance of the circumstances of time and place. ​ Price, vol. i. p. 498 - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote 12: The caliph had emptied two baskets of eggs and of figs, which he swallowed alternately,​ and the repast was concluded with marrow and sugar. ​ In one of his pilgrimages to Mecca, Soliman ate, at a single meal, seventy pomegranates,​ a kid, six fowls, and a huge quantity of the grapes of Tayef. If the bill of fare be correct, we must admire the appetite, rather than the luxury, of the sovereign of Asia, (Abulfeda, Annal. Moslem. p. 126.) Note: The Tarikh Tebry ascribes the death of Soliman to a pleurisy. ​ The same gross gluttony in which Soliman indulged, though not fatal to the life, interfered with the military duties, of his brother Moslemah. ​ Price, vol. i. p. 511. - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote !!: Major Price'​s estimate of Omar's character is much more favorable. ​ Among a race of sanguinary tyrants, Omar was just and humane. His virtues as well as his bigotry were active. - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote 13: See the article of Omar Ben Abdalaziz, in the Bibliotheque Orientale, (p. 689, 690,) praeferens, says Elmacin, (p. 91,) religionem suam rebus suis mundanis. ​ He was so desirous of being with God, that he would not have anointed his ear (his own saying) to obtain a perfect cure of his last malady. ​ The caliph had only one shirt, and in an age of luxury, his annual expense was no more than two drachms, (Abulpharagius,​ p. 131.) Haud diu gavisus eo principe fuit urbis Muslemus, (Abulfeda, p. 127.)] [Footnote 14: Both Nicephorus and Theophanes agree that the siege of Constantinople was raised the 15th of August, (A.D. 718;) but as the former, our best witness, affirms that it continued thirteen months, the latter must be mistaken in supposing that it began on the same day of the preceding year. I do not find that Pagi has remarked this inconsistency.]
 +
 +[Footnote *: The Tarikh Tebry embellishes the retreat of Moslemah with some extraordinary and incredible circumstances. ​ Price, p. 514. - M.] [Footnote 15: In the second siege of Constantinople,​ I have followed Nicephorus, (Brev. p. 33 - 36,) Theophanes, (Chronograph,​ p. 324 - 334,) Cedrenus, (Compend. p. 449 - 452,) Zonaras, (tom. ii. p. 98 - 102,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen, p. 88,) Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 126,) and Abulpharagius,​ (Dynast. p. 130,) the most satisfactory of the Arabs.]
 +
 +In the two sieges, the deliverance of Constantinople may be chiefly ascribed to the novelty, the terrors, and the real efficacy of the Greek fire. ^16 The important secret of compounding and directing this artificial flame was imparted by Callinicus, a native of Heliopolis in Syria, who deserted from the service of the caliph to that of the emperor. ^17 The skill of a chemist and engineer was equivalent to the succor of fleets and armies; and this discovery or improvement of the military art was fortunately reserved for the distressful period, when the degenerate Romans of the East were incapable of contending with the warlike enthusiasm and youthful vigor of the Saracens. The historian who presumes to analyze this extraordinary composition should suspect his own ignorance and that of his Byzantine guides, so prone to the marvellous, so careless, and, in this instance, so jealous of the truth. ​ From their obscure, and perhaps fallacious, hints it should seem that the principal ingredient of the Greek fire was the naphtha, ^18 or liquid bitumen, a light, tenacious, and inflammable oil, ^19 which springs from the earth, and catches fire as soon as it comes in contact with the air.  The naphtha was mingled, I know not by what methods or in what proportions,​ with sulphur and with the pitch that is extracted from evergreen firs. ^20 From this mixture, which produced a thick smoke and a loud explosion, proceeded a fierce and obstinate flame, which not only rose in perpendicular ascent, but likewise burnt with equal vehemence in descent or lateral progress; instead of being extinguished,​ it was nourished and quickened by the element of water; and sand, urine, or vinegar, were the only remedies that could damp the fury of this powerful agent, which was justly denominated by the Greeks the liquid, or the maritime, fire.  For the annoyance of the enemy, it was employed with equal effect, by sea and land, in battles or in sieges. ​ It was either poured from the rampart in large boilers, or launched in red-hot balls of stone and iron, or darted in arrows and javelins, twisted round with flax and tow, which had deeply imbibed the inflammable oil; sometimes it was deposited in fire-ships, the victims and instruments of a more ample revenge, and was most commonly blown through long tubes of copper which were planted on the prow of a galley, and fancifully shaped into the mouths of savage monsters, that seemed to vomit a stream of liquid and consuming fire.  This important art was preserved at Constantinople,​ as the palladium of the state: the galleys and artillery might occasionally be lent to the allies of Rome; but the composition of the Greek fire was concealed with the most jealous scruple, and the terror of the enemies was increased and prolonged by their ignorance and surprise. ​ In the treaties of the administration of the empire, the royal author ^21 suggests the answers and excuses that might best elude the indiscreet curiosity and importunate demands of the Barbarians. They should be told that the mystery of the Greek fire had been revealed by an angel to the first and greatest of the Constantines,​ with a sacred injunction, that this gift of Heaven, this peculiar blessing of the Romans, should never be communicated to any foreign nation; that the prince and the subject were alike bound to religious silence under the temporal and spiritual penalties of treason and sacrilege; and that the impious attempt would provoke the sudden and supernatural vengeance of the God of the Christians. ​ By these precautions,​ the secret was confined, above four hundred years, to the Romans of the East; and at the end of the eleventh century, the Pisans, to whom every sea and every art were familiar, suffered the effects, without understanding the composition,​ of the Greek fire.  It was at length either discovered or stolen by the Mahometans; and, in the holy wars of Syria and Egypt, they retorted an invention, contrived against themselves, on the heads of the Christians. ​ A knight, who despised the swords and lances of the Saracens, relates, with heartfelt sincerity, his own fears, and those of his companions, at the sight and sound of the mischievous engine that discharged a torrent of the Greek fire, the feu Gregeois, as it is styled by the more early of the French writers. ​ It came flying through the air, says Joinville, ^22 like a winged long-tailed dragon, about the thickness of a hogshead, with the report of thunder and the velocity of lightning; and the darkness of the night was dispelled by this deadly illumination. The use of the Greek, or, as it might now be called, of the Saracen fire, was continued to the middle of the fourteenth century, ^23 when the scientific or casual compound of nitre, sulphur, and charcoal, effected a new revolution in the art of war and the history of mankind. ^24
 +
 +[Footnote 16: Our sure and indefatigable guide in the middle ages and Byzantine history, Charles du Fresne du Cange, has treated in several places of the Greek fire, and his collections leave few gleanings behind. See particularly Glossar. Med. et Infim. Graecitat. p. 1275, sub voce. Glossar. Med. et Infim. ​ Latinitat. Ignis Groecus. ​ Observations sur Villehardouin,​ p. 305, 306. Observations sur Joinville, p. 71, 72.]
 +
 +[Footnote 17: Theophanes styles him, (p. 295.) Cedrenus (p. 437) brings this artist from (the ruins of) Heliopolis in Egypt; and chemistry was indeed the peculiar science of the Egyptians.]
 +
 +[Footnote 18: The naphtha, the oleum incendiarium of the history of Jerusalem, (Gest. Dei per Francos, p. 1167,) the Oriental fountain of James de Vitry, (l. iii. c. 84,) is introduced on slight evidence and strong probability. Cinanmus (l. vi. p. 165) calls the Greek fire: and the naphtha is known to abound between the Tigris and the Caspian Sea. According to Pliny, (Hist. Natur. ii. 109,) it was subservient to the revenge of Medea, and in either etymology, (Procop. de Bell. Gothic. l. iv. c. 11,) may fairly signify this liquid bitumen.
 +
 +Note: It is remarkable that the Syrian historian Michel gives the name of naphtha to the newly-invented Greek fire, which seems to indicate that this substance formed the base of the destructive compound. St. Martin, tom. xi. p. 420. - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote 19: On the different sorts of oils and bitumens, see Dr. Watson'​s (the present bishop of Llandaff'​s) Chemical Essays, vol. iii. essay i., a classic book, the best adapted to infuse the taste and knowledge of chemistry. The less perfect ideas of the ancients may be found in Strabo (Geograph. l. xvi. p. 1078) and Pliny, (Hist. Natur. ii. 108, 109.) Huic (Naphthae) magna cognatio est ignium, transiliuntque protinus in eam undecunque visam. ​ Of our travellers I am best pleased with Otter, (tom. i. p. 153, 158.)] [Footnote 20: Anna Comnena has partly drawn aside the curtain. (Alexiad. l. xiii. p. 383.) Elsewhere (l. xi. p. 336) she mentions the property of burning. Leo, in the xixth chapter of his Tactics, (Opera Meursii, tom. vi. p. 843, edit. Lami, Florent. 1745,) speaks of the new invention. ​ These are genuine and Imperial testimonies.]
 +
 +[Footnote 21: Constantin. Porphyrogenit. de Administrat. Imperii, c. xiii. p. 64, 65.]
 +
 +[Footnote 22: Histoire de St. Louis, p. 39.  Paris, 1668, p. 44. Paris, de l'​Imprimerie Royale, 1761.  The former of these editions is precious for the observations of Ducange; the latter for the pure and original text of Joinville. ​ We must have recourse to that text to discover, that the feu Gregeois was shot with a pile or javelin, from an engine that acted like a sling.]
 +
 +[Footnote 23: The vanity, or envy, of shaking the established property of Fame, has tempted some moderns to carry gunpowder above the xivth, (see Sir William Temple, Dutens, &c.,) and the Greek fire above the viith century, (see the Saluste du President des Brosses, tom. ii. p. 381.) But their evidence, which precedes the vulgar aera of the invention, is seldom clear or satisfactory,​ and subsequent writers may be suspected of fraud or credulity. In the earliest sieges, some combustibles of oil and sulphur have been used, and the Greek fire has some affinities with gunpowder both in its nature and effects: for the antiquity of the first, a passage of Procopius, (de Bell. Goth. l. iv. c. 11,) for that of the second, some facts in the Arabic history of Spain, (A.D. 1249, 1312, 1332.  Bibliot. Arab. Hisp. tom. ii. p. 6, 7, 8,) are the most difficult to elude.]
 +
 +[Footnote 24: That extraordinary man, Friar Bacon, reveals two of the ingredients,​ saltpetre and sulphur, and conceals the third in a sentence of mysterious gibberish, as if he dreaded the consequences of his own discovery, (Biog. Brit. vol. i. p. 430, new edition.)]
 +
 +====== Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. ======
 +
 +===== Part II. =====
 +
 +Constantinople and the Greek fire might exclude the Arabs from the eastern entrance of Europe; but in the West, on the side of the Pyrenees, the provinces of Gaul were threatened and invaded by the conquerors of Spain. ^25 The decline of the French monarchy invited the attack of these insatiate fanatics. ​ The descendants of Clovis had lost the inheritance of his martial and ferocious spirit; and their misfortune or demerit has affixed the epithet of lazy to the last kings of the Merovingian race. ^26 They ascended the throne without power, and sunk into the grave without a name.  A country palace, in the neighborhood of Compiegne ^27 was allotted for their residence or prison: but each year, in the month of March or May, they were conducted in a wagon drawn by oxen to the assembly of the Franks, to give audience to foreign ambassadors,​ and to ratify the acts of the mayor of the palace. ​ That domestic officer was become the minister of the nation and the master of the prince. ​ A public employment was converted into the patrimony of a private family: the elder Pepin left a king of mature years under the guardianship of his own widow and her child; and these feeble regents were forcibly dispossessed by the most active of his bastards. ​ A government, half savage and half corrupt, was almost dissolved; and the tributary dukes, and provincial counts, and the territorial lords, were tempted to despise the weakness of the monarch, and to imitate the ambition of the mayor. ​ Among these independent chiefs, one of the boldest and most successful was Eudes, duke of Aquitain, who in the southern provinces of Gaul usurped the authority, and even the title of king.  The Goths, the Gascons, and the Franks, assembled under the standard of this Christian hero: he repelled the first invasion of the Saracens; and Zama, lieutenant of the caliph, lost his army and his life under the walls of Thoulouse. ​ The ambition of his successors was stimulated by revenge; they repassed the Pyrenees with the means and the resolution of conquest. The advantageous situation which had recommended Narbonne ^28 as the first Roman colony, was again chosen by the Moslems: they claimed the province of Septimania or Languedoc as a just dependence of the Spanish monarchy: the vineyards of Gascony and the city of Bourdeaux were possessed by the sovereign of Damascus and Samarcand; and the south of France, from the mouth of the Garonne to that of the Rhone, assumed the manners and religion of Arabia. [Footnote 25: For the invasion of France and the defeat of the Arabs by Charles Martel, see the Historia Arabum (c. 11, 12, 13, 14) of Roderic Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo, who had before him the Christian chronicle of Isidore Pacensis, and the Mahometan history of Novairi. ​ The Moslems are silent or concise in the account of their losses; but M Cardonne (tom. i. p. 129, 130, 131) has given a pure and simple account of all that he could collect from Ibn Halikan, Hidjazi, and an anonymous writer. ​ The texts of the chronicles of France, and lives of saints, are inserted in the Collection of Bouquet, (tom. iii.,) and the Annals of Pagi, who (tom. iii. under the proper years) has restored the chronology, which is anticipated six years in the Annals of Baronius. ​ The Dictionary of Bayle (Abderame and Munuza) has more merit for lively reflection than original research.]
 +
 +[Footnote 26: Eginhart, de Vita Caroli Magni, c. ii. p. 13 - 78, edit. Schmink, Utrecht, 1711.  Some modern critics accuse the minister of Charlemagne of exaggerating the weakness of the Merovingians;​ but the general outline is just, and the French reader will forever repeat the beautiful lines of Boileau'​s Lutrin.]
 +
 +[Footnote 27: Mamaccae, on the Oyse, between Compiegne and Noyon, which Eginhart calls perparvi reditus villam, (see the notes, and the map of ancient France for Dom.  Bouquet'​s Collection.) Compendium, or Compiegne, was a palace of more dignity, (Hadrian. Valesii Notitia Galliarum, p. 152,) and that laughing philosopher,​ the Abbe Galliani, (Dialogues sur le Commerce des Bleds,) may truly affirm, that it was the residence of the rois tres Chretiens en tres chevelus.]
 +
 +[Footnote 28: Even before that colony, A. U. C. 630, (Velleius Patercul. i. 15,) In the time of Polybius, (Hist. l. iii. p. 265, edit. Gronov.) Narbonne was a Celtic town of the first eminence, and one of the most northern places of the known world, (D'​Anville,​ Notice de l'​Ancienne Gaule, p. 473.)] But these narrow limits were scorned by the spirit of Abdalraman, or Abderame, who had been restored by the caliph Hashem to the wishes of the soldiers and people of Spain. ​ That veteran and daring commander adjudged to the obedience of the prophet whatever yet remained of France or of Europe; and prepared to execute the sentence, at the head of a formidable host, in the full confidence of surmounting all opposition either of nature or of man.  His first care was to suppress a domestic rebel, who commanded the most important passes of the Pyrenees: Manuza, a Moorish chief, had accepted the alliance of the duke of Aquitain; and Eudes, from a motive of private or public interest, devoted his beauteous daughter to the embraces of the African misbeliever. But the strongest fortresses of Cerdagne were invested by a superior force; the rebel was overtaken and slain in the mountains; and his widow was sent a captive to Damascus, to gratify the desires, or more probably the vanity, of the commander of the faithful. From the Pyrenees, Abderame proceeded without delay to the passage of the Rhone and the siege of Arles. An army of Christians attempted the relief of the city: the tombs of their leaders were yet visible in the thirteenth century; and many thousands of their dead bodies were carried down the rapid stream into the Mediterranean Sea.  The arms of Abderame were not less successful on the side of the ocean. ​ He passed without opposition the Garonne and Dordogne, which unite their waters in the Gulf of Bourdeaux; but he found, beyond those rivers, the camp of the intrepid Eudes, who had formed a second army and sustained a second defeat, so fatal to the Christians, that, according to their sad confession, God alone could reckon the number of the slain. ​ The victorious Saracen overran the provinces of Aquitain, whose Gallic names are disguised, rather than lost, in the modern appellations of Perigord, Saintonge, and Poitou: his standards were planted on the walls, or at least before the gates, of Tours and of Sens; and his detachments overspread the kingdom of Burgundy as far as the well-known cities of Lyons and Besancon. ​ The memory of these devastations (for Abderame did not spare the country or the people) was long preserved by tradition; and the invasion of France by the Moors or Mahometans affords the groundwork of those fables, which have been so wildly disfigured in the romances of chivalry, and so elegantly adorned by the Italian muse.  In the decline of society and art, the deserted cities could supply a slender booty to the Saracens; their richest spoil was found in the churches and monasteries,​ which they stripped of their ornaments and delivered to the flames: and the tutelar saints, both Hilary of Poitiers and Martin of Tours, forgot their miraculous powers in the defence of their own sepulchres. ^29 A victorious line of march had been prolonged above a thousand miles from the rock of Gibraltar to the banks of the Loire; the repetition of an equal space would have carried the Saracens to the confines of Poland and the Highlands of Scotland; the Rhine is not more impassable than the Nile or Euphrates, and the Arabian fleet might have sailed without a naval combat into the mouth of the Thames. Perhaps the interpretation of the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford, and her pulpits might demonstrate to a circumcised people the sanctity and truth of the revelation of Mahomet. ^30
 +
 +[Footnote 29: With regard to the sanctuary of St. Martin of Tours, Roderic Ximenes accuses the Saracens of the deed.  Turonis civitatem, ecclesiam et palatia vastatione et incendio simili diruit et consumpsit. ​ The continuator of Fredegarius imputes to them no more than the intention. ​ Ad domum beatissimi Martini evertendam destinant. ​ At Carolus, &​c. ​ The French annalist was more jealous of the honor of the saint.]
 +
 +[Footnote 30: Yet I sincerely doubt whether the Oxford mosch would have produced a volume of controversy so elegant and ingenious as the sermons lately preached by Mr. White, the Arabic professor, at Mr. Bampton'​s lecture. His observations on the character and religion of Mahomet are always adapted to his argument, and generally founded in truth and reason. He sustains the part of a lively and eloquent advocate; and sometimes rises to the merit of an historian and philosopher.]
 +
 +From such calamities was Christendom delivered by the genius and fortune of one man.  Charles, the illegitimate son of the elder Pepin, was content with the titles of mayor or duke of the Franks; but he deserved to become the father of a line of kings. In a laborious administration of twenty-four years, he restored and supported the dignity of the throne, and the rebels of Germany and Gaul were successively crushed by the activity of a warrior, who, in the same campaign, could display his banner on the Elbe, the Rhone, and the shores of the ocean. ​ In the public danger he was summoned by the voice of his country; and his rival, the duke of Aquitain, was reduced to appear among the fugitives and suppliants. ​ "​Alas!"​ exclaimed the Franks, "what a misfortune! what an indignity! ​ We have long heard of the name and conquests of the Arabs: we were apprehensive of their attack from the East; they have now conquered Spain, and invade our country on the side of the West.  Yet their numbers, and (since they have no buckler) their arms, are inferior to our own." "If you follow my advice,"​ replied the prudent mayor of the palace, "you will not interrupt their march, nor precipitate your attack. They are like a torrent, which it is dangerous to stem in its career. ​ The thirst of riches, and the consciousness of success, redouble their valor, and valor is of more avail than arms or numbers. ​ Be patient till they have loaded themselves with the encumbrance of wealth. ​ The possession of wealth will divide their councils and assure your victory."​ This subtile policy is perhaps a refinement of the Arabian writers; and the situation of Charles will suggest a more narrow and selfish motive of procrastination - the secret desire of humbling the pride and wasting the provinces of the rebel duke of Aquitain. It is yet more probable, that the delays of Charles were inevitable and reluctant. ​ A standing army was unknown under the first and second race; more than half the kingdom was now in the hands of the Saracens: according to their respective situation, the Franks of Neustria and Austrasia were to conscious or too careless of the impending danger; and the voluntary aids of the Gepidae and Germans were separated by a long interval from the standard of the Christian general. ​ No sooner had he collected his forces, than he sought and found the enemy in the centre of France, between Tours and Poitiers. ​ His well-conducted march was covered with a range of hills, and Abderame appears to have been surprised by his unexpected presence. The nations of Asia, Africa, and Europe, advanced with equal ardor to an encounter which would change the history of the world. ​ In the six first days of desultory combat, the horsemen and archers of the East maintained their advantage: but in the closer onset of the seventh day, the Orientals were oppressed by the strength and stature of the Germans, who, with stout hearts and iron hands, ^31 asserted the civil and religious freedom of their posterity. The epithet of Martel. the Hammer, which has been added to the name of Charles, is expressive of his weighty and irresistible strokes: the valor of Eudes was excited by resentment and emulation; and their companions, in the eye of history, are the true Peers and Paladins of French chivalry. ​ After a bloody field, in which Abderame was slain, the Saracens, in the close of the evening, retired to their camp.  In the disorder and despair of the night, the various tribes of Yemen and Damascus, of Africa and Spain, were provoked to turn their arms against each other: the remains of their host were suddenly dissolved, and each emir consulted his safety by a hasty and separate retreat. ​ At the dawn of the day, the stillness of a hostile camp was suspected by the victorious Christians: on the report of their spies, they ventured to explore the riches of the vacant tents; but if we except some celebrated relics, a small portion of the spoil was restored to the innocent and lawful owners. The joyful tidings were soon diffused over the Catholic world, and the monks of Italy could affirm and believe that three hundred and fifty, or three hundred and seventy-five,​ thousand of the Mahometans had been crushed by the hammer of Charles, ^32 while no more than fifteen hundred Christians were slain in the field of Tours. ​ But this incredible tale is sufficiently disproved by the caution of the French general, who apprehended the snares and accidents of a pursuit, and dismissed his German allies to their native forests. The inactivity of a conqueror betrays the loss of strength and blood, and the most cruel execution is inflicted, not in the ranks of battle, but on the backs of a flying enemy. Yet the victory of the Franks was complete and final; Aquitain was recovered by the arms of Eudes; the Arabs never resumed the conquest of Gaul, and they were soon driven beyond the Pyrenees by Charles Martel and his valiant race. ^33 It might have been expected that the savior of Christendom would have been canonized, or at least applauded, by the gratitude of the clergy, who are indebted to his sword for their present existence. ​ But in the public distress, the mayor of the palace had been compelled to apply the riches, or at least the revenues, of the bishops and abbots, to the relief of the state and the reward of the soldiers. ​ His merits were forgotten, his sacrilege alone was remembered, and, in an epistle to a Carlovingian prince, a Gallic synod presumes to declare that his ancestor was damned; that on the opening of his tomb, the spectators were affrighted by a smell of fire and the aspect of a horrid dragon; and that a saint of the times was indulged with a pleasant vision of the soul and body of Charles Martel, burning, to all eternity, in the abyss of hell. ^34
 +
 +[Footnote 31: Gens Austriae membrorum pre-eminentia valida, et gens Germana corde et corpore praestantissima,​ quasi in ictu oculi, manu ferrea, et pectore arduo, Arabes extinxerunt,​ (Roderic. Toletan. c. xiv.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 32: These numbers are stated by Paul Warnefrid, the deacon of Aquileia, (de Gestis Langobard. ​ l. vi. p. 921, edit. Grot.,) and Anastasius, the librarian of the Roman church, (in Vit. Gregorii II.,) who tells a miraculous story of three consecrated sponges, which rendered invulnerable the French soldiers, among whom they had been shared It should seem, that in his letters to the pope, Eudes usurped the honor of the victory, from which he is chastised by the French annalists, who, with equal falsehood, accuse him of inviting the Saracens.]
 +
 +[Footnote 33: Narbonne, and the rest of Septimania, was recovered by Pepin the son of Charles Martel, A.D. 755, (Pagi, Critica, tom. iii. p. 300.) Thirty-seven years afterwards, it was pillaged by a sudden inroad of the Arabs, who employed the captives in the construction of the mosch of Cordova, (De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 354.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 34: This pastoral letter, addressed to Lewis the Germanic, the grandson of Charlemagne,​ and most probably composed by the pen of the artful Hincmar, is dated in the year 858, and signed by the bishops of the provinces of Rheims and Rouen, (Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 741.  Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. x. p. 514 - 516.) Yet Baronius himself, and the French critics, reject with contempt this episcopal fiction.]
 +
 +The loss of an army, or a province, in the Western world, was less painful to the court of Damascus, than the rise and progress of a domestic competitor. ​ Except among the Syrians, the caliphs of the house of Ommiyah had never been the objects of the public favor. ​ The life of Mahomet recorded their perseverance in idolatry and rebellion: their conversion had been reluctant, their elevation irregular and factious, and their throne was cemented with the most holy and noble blood of Arabia. ​ The best of their race, the pious Omar, was dissatisfied with his own title: their personal virtues were insufficient to justify a departure from the order of succession; and the eyes and wishes of the faithful were turned towards the line of Hashem, and the kindred of the apostle of God.  Of these the Fatimites were either rash or pusillanimous;​ but the descendants of Abbas cherished, with courage and discretion, the hopes of their rising fortunes. From an obscure residence in Syria, they secretly despatched their agents and missionaries,​ who preached in the Eastern provinces their hereditary indefeasible right; and Mohammed, the son of Ali, the son of Abdallah, the son of Abbas, the uncle of the prophet, gave audience to the deputies of Chorasan, and accepted their free gift of four hundred thousand pieces of gold.  After the death of Mohammed, the oath of allegiance was administered in the name of his son Ibrahim to a numerous band of votaries, who expected only a signal and a leader; and the governor of Chorasan continued to deplore his fruitless admonitions and the deadly slumber of the caliphs of Damascus, till he himself, with all his adherents, was driven from the city and palace of Meru, by the rebellious arms of Abu Moslem. ^35 That maker of kings, the author, as he is named, of the call of the Abbassides, was at length rewarded for his presumption of merit with the usual gratitude of courts. ​ A mean, perhaps a foreign, extraction could not repress the aspiring energy of Abu Moslem. Jealous of his wives, liberal of his wealth, prodigal of his own blood and of that of others, he could boast with pleasure, and possibly with truth, that he had destroyed six hundred thousand of his enemies; and such was the intrepid gravity of his mind and countenance,​ that he was never seen to smile except on a day of battle. ​ In the visible separation of parties, the green was consecrated to the Fatimites; the Ommiades were distinguished by the white; and the black, as the most adverse, was naturally adopted by the Abbassides. Their turbans and garments were stained with that gloomy color: two black standards, on pike staves nine cubits long, were borne aloft in the van of Abu Moslem; and their allegorical names of the night and the shadow obscurely represented the indissoluble union and perpetual succession of the line of Hashem. ​ From the Indus to the Euphrates, the East was convulsed by the quarrel of the white and the black factions: the Abbassides were most frequently victorious; but their public success was clouded by the personal misfortune of their chief. The court of Damascus, awakening from a long slumber, resolved to prevent the pilgrimage of Mecca, which Ibrahim had undertaken with a splendid retinue, to recommend himself at once to the favor of the prophet and of the people. ​ A detachment of cavalry intercepted his march and arrested his person; and the unhappy Ibrahim, snatched away from the promise of untasted royalty, expired in iron fetters in the dungeons of Haran. His two younger brothers, Saffah ^* and Almansor, eluded the search of the tyrant, and lay concealed at Cufa, till the zeal of the people and the approach of his Eastern friends allowed them to expose their persons to the impatient public. ​ On Friday, in the dress of a caliph, in the colors of the sect, Saffah proceeded with religious and military pomp to the mosch: ascending the pulpit, he prayed and preached as the lawful successor of Mahomet; and after his departure, his kinsmen bound a willing people by an oath of fidelity. ​ But it was on the banks of the Zab, and not in the mosch of Cufa, that this important controversy was determined. ​ Every advantage appeared to be on the side of the white faction: the authority of established government; an army of a hundred and twenty thousand soldiers, against a sixth part of that number; and the presence and merit of the caliph Mervan, the fourteenth and last of the house of Ommiyah. ​ Before his accession to the throne, he had deserved, by his Georgian warfare, the honorable epithet of the ass of Mesopotamia;​ ^36 and he might have been ranked amongst the greatest princes, had not, says Abulfeda, the eternal order decreed that moment for the ruin of his family; a decree against which all human fortitude and prudence must struggle in vain.  The orders of Mervan were mistaken, or disobeyed: the return of his horse, from which he had dismounted on a necessary occasion, impressed the belief of his death; and the enthusiasm of the black squadrons was ably conducted by Abdallah, the uncle of his competitor. ​ After an irretrievab defeat, the caliph escaped to Mosul; but the colors of the Abbassides were displayed from the rampart; he suddenly repassed the Tigris, cast a melancholy look on his palace of Haran, crossed the Euphrates, abandoned the fortifications of Damascus, and, without halting in Palestine, pitched his last and fatal camp at Busir, on the banks of the Nile. ^37 His speed was urged by the incessant diligence of Abdallah, who in every step of the pursuit acquired strength and reputation: the remains of the white faction were finally vanquished in Egypt; and the lance, which terminated the life and anxiety of Mervan, was not less welcome perhaps to the unfortunate than to the victorious chief. ​ The merciless inquisition of the conqueror eradicated the most distant branches of the hostile race: their bones were scattered, their memory was accursed, and the martyrdom of Hossein was abundantly revenged on the posterity of his tyrants. Fourscore of the Ommiades, who had yielded to the faith or clemency of their foes, were invited to a banquet at Damascus. The laws of hospitality were violated by a promiscuous massacre: the board was spread over their fallen bodies; and the festivity of the guests was enlivened by the music of their dying groans. By the event of the civil war, the dynasty of the Abbassides was firmly established;​ but the Christians only could triumph in the mutual hatred and common loss of the disciples of Mahomet. ^38
 +
 +[Footnote 35: The steed and the saddle which had carried any of his wives were instantly killed or burnt, lest they should afterwards be mounted by a male. Twelve hundred mules or camels were required for his kitchen furniture; and the daily consumption amounted to three thousand cakes, a hundred sheep, besides oxen, poultry, &c., (Abul pharagius, Hist. Dynast. p. 140.)] [Footnote *: He is called Abdullah or Abul Abbas in the Tarikh Tebry. Price vol. i. p. 600.  Saffah or Saffauh (the Sanguinary) was a name which be required after his bloody reign, (vol. ii. p. 1.) - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote 36: Al Hemar. ​ He had been governor of Mesopotamia,​ and the Arabic proverb praises the courage of that warlike breed of asses who never fly from an enemy. ​ The surname of Mervan may justify the comparison of Homer, (Iliad, A. 557, &c.,) and both will silence the moderns, who consider the ass as a stupid and ignoble emblem, (D'​Herbelot,​ Bibliot. Orient. p. 558.)] [Footnote 37: Four several places, all in Egypt, bore the name of Busir, or Busiris, so famous in Greek fable. ​ The first, where Mervan was slain was to the west of the Nile, in the province of Fium, or Arsinoe; the second in the Delta, in the Sebennytic nome; the third near the pyramids; the fourth, which was destroyed by Dioclesian, (see above, vol. ii. p. 130,) in the Thebais. ​ I shall here transcribe a note of the learned and orthodox Michaelis: Videntur in pluribus Aegypti superioris urbibus Busiri Coptoque arma sumpsisse Christiani, libertatemque de religione sentiendi defendisse, sed succubuisse quo in bello Coptus et Busiris diruta, et circa Esnam magna strages edita. Bellum narrant sed causam belli ignorant scriptores Byzantini, alioqui Coptum et Busirim non rebellasse dicturi, sed causam Christianorum suscepturi, (Not. 211, p. 100.) For the geography of the four Busirs, see Abulfeda, (Descript. Aegypt. p. 9, vers. Michaelis, Gottingae, 1776, in 4to.,) Michaelis, (Not. 122 - 127, p. 58 - 63,) and D'​Anville,​ (Memoire sua l'​Egypte,​ p. 85, 147, 205.)] [Footnote 38: See Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 136 - 145,) Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 392, vers. Pocock,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 109 - 121,) Abulpharagius,​ (Hist. Dynast. p. 134 - 140,) Roderic of Toledo, (Hist. Arabum, c. xviii. p. 33,) Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 356, 357, who speaks of the Abbassides) and the Bibliotheque of D'​Herbelot,​ in the articles Ommiades, Abbassides, Moervan, Ibrahim, Saffah, Abou Moslem.]
 +
 +Yet the thousands who were swept away by the sword of war might have been speedily retrieved in the succeeding generation, if the consequences of the revolution had not tended to dissolve the power and unity of the empire of the Saracens. ​ In the proscription of the Ommiades, a royal youth of the name of Abdalrahman alone escaped the rage of his enemies, who hunted the wandering exile from the banks of the Euphrates to the valleys of Mount Atlas. ​ His presence in the neighborhood of Spain revived the zeal of the white faction. The name and cause of the Abbassides had been first vindicated by the Persians: the West had been pure from civil arms; and the servants of the abdicated family still held, by a precarious tenure, the inheritance of their lands and the offices of government. ​ Strongly prompted by gratitude, indignation,​ and fear, they invited the grandson of the caliph Hashem to ascend the throne of his ancestors; and, in his desperate condition, the extremes of rashness and prudence were almost the same.  The acclamations of the people saluted his landing on the coast of Andalusia: and, after a successful struggle, Abdalrahman established the throne of Cordova, and was the father of the Ommiades of Spain, who reigned above two hundred and fifty years from the Atlantic to the Pyrenees. ^39 He slew in battle a lieutenant of the Abbassides, who had invaded his dominions with a fleet and army: the head of Ala, in salt and camphire, was suspended by a daring messenger before the palace of Mecca; and the caliph Almansor rejoiced in his safety, that he was removed by seas and lands from such a formidable adversary. Their mutual designs or declarations of offensive war evaporated without effect; but instead of opening a door to the conquest of Europe, Spain was dissevered from the trunk of the monarchy, engaged in perpetual hostility with the East, and inclined to peace and friendship with the Christian sovereigns of Constantinople and France. ​ The example of the Ommiades was imitated by the real or fictitious progeny of Ali, the Edrissites of Mauritania, and the more powerful fatimites of Africa and Egypt. ​ In the tenth century, the chair of Mahomet was disputed by three caliphs or commanders of the faithful, who reigned at Bagdad, Cairoan, and Cordova, excommunicating each other, and agreed only in a principle of discord, that a sectary is more odious and criminal than an unbeliever. ^40
 +
 +[Footnote 39: For the revolution of Spain, consult Roderic of Toledo, (c. xviii. p. 34, &c.,) the Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana,​ (tom. ii. p. 30, 198,) and Cardonne, (Hist. de l'​Afrique et de l'​Espagne,​ tom. i. p. 180 - 197, 205, 272, 323, &c.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 40: I shall not stop to refute the strange errors and fancies of Sir William Temple (his Works, vol. iii. p. 371 - 374, octavo edition) and Voltaire (Histoire Generale, c. xxviii. tom. ii. p. 124, 125, edition de Lausanne) concerning the division of the Saracen empire. ​ The mistakes of Voltaire proceeded from the want of knowledge or reflection; but Sir William was deceived by a Spanish impostor, who has framed an apocryphal history of the conquest of Spain by the Arabs.]
 +
 +Mecca was the patrimony of the line of Hashem, yet the Abbassides were never tempted to reside either in the birthplace or the city of the prophet. Damascus was disgraced by the choice, and polluted with the blood, of the Ommiades; and, after some hesitation, Almansor, the brother and successor of Saffah, laid the foundations of Bagdad, ^41 the Imperial seat of his posterity during a reign of five hundred years. ^42 The chosen spot is on the eastern bank of the Tigris, about fifteen miles above the ruins of Modain: the double wall was of a circular form; and such was the rapid increase of a capital, now dwindled to a provincial town, that the funeral of a popular saint might be attended by eight hundred thousand men and sixty thousand women of Bagdad and the adjacent villages. ​ In this city of peace, ^43 amidst the riches of the East, the Abbassides soon disdained the abstinence and frugality of the first caliphs, and aspired to emulate the magnificence of the Persian kings. ​ After his wars and buildings, Almansor left behind him in gold and silver about thirty millions sterling: ^44 and this treasure was exhausted in a few years by the vices or virtues of his children. ​ His son Mahadi, in a single pilgrimage to Mecca, expended six millions of dinars of gold.  A pious and charitable motive may sanctify the foundation of cisterns and caravanseras,​ which he distributed along a measured road of seven hundred miles; but his train of camels, laden with snow, could serve only to astonish the natives of Arabia, and to refresh the fruits and liquors of the royal banquet. ^45 The courtiers would surely praise the liberality of his grandson Almamon, who gave away four fifths of the income of a province, a sum of two millions four hundred thousand gold dinars, before he drew his foot from the stirrup. ​ At the nuptials of the same prince, a thousand pearls of the largest size were showered on the head of the bride, ^46 and a lottery of lands and houses displayed the capricious bounty of fortune. ​ The glories of the court were brightened, rather than impaired, in the decline of the empire, and a Greek ambassador might admire, or pity, the magnificence of the feeble Moctader. "The caliph'​s whole army," says the historian Abulfeda, "both horse and foot, was under arms, which together made a body of one hundred and sixty thousand men.  His state officers, the favorite slaves, stood near him in splendid apparel, their belts glittering with gold and gems.  Near them were seven thousand eunuchs, four thousand of them white, the remainder black. ​ The porters or door-keepers were in number seven hundred. ​ Barges and boats, with the most superb decorations,​ were seen swimming upon the Tigris. ​ Nor was the palace itself less splendid, in which were hung up thirty-eight thousand pieces of tapestry, twelve thousand five hundred of which were of silk embroidered with gold.  The carpets on the floor were twenty-two thousand. ​ A hundred lions were brought out, with a keeper to each lion. ^47 Among the other spectacles of rare and stupendous luxury was a tree of gold and silver spreading into eighteen large branches, on which, and on the lesser boughs, sat a variety of birds made of the same precious metals, as well as the leaves of the tree.  While the machinery affected spontaneous motions, the several birds warbled their natural harmony. Through this scene of magnificence,​ the Greek ambassador was led by the vizier to the foot of the caliph'​s throne."​ ^48 In the West, the Ommiades of Spain supported, with equal pomp, the title of commander of the faithful. ​ Three miles from Cordova, in honor of his favorite sultana, the third and greatest of the Abdalrahmans constructed the city, palace, and gardens of Zehra. ​ Twenty-five years, and above three millions sterling, were employed by the founder: his liberal taste invited the artists of Constantinople,​ the most skilful sculptors and architects of the age; and the buildings were sustained or adorned by twelve hundred columns of Spanish and African, of Greek and Italian marble. ​ The hall of audience was incrusted with gold and pearls, and a great basin in the centre was surrounded with the curious and costly figures of birds and quadrupeds. ​ In a lofty pavilion of the gardens, one of these basins and fountains, so delightful in a sultry climate, was replenished not with water, but with the purest quicksilver. The seraglio of Abdalrahman,​ his wives, concubines, and black eunuchs, amounted to six thousand three hundred persons: and he was attended to the field by a guard of twelve thousand horse, whose belts and cimeters were studded with gold. ^49
 +
 +[Footnote 41: The geographer D'​Anville,​ (l'​Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 121 - 123,) and the Orientalist D'​Herbelot,​ (Bibliotheque,​ p. 167, 168,) may suffice for the knowledge of Bagdad. ​ Our travellers, Pietro della Valle, (tom. i. p. 688 - 698,) Tavernier, (tom. i. p. 230 - 238,) Thevenot, (part ii. p. 209 - 212,) Otter, (tom. i. p. 162 - 168,) and Niebuhr, (Voyage en Arabie, tom. ii. p. 239 - 271,) have seen only its decay; and the Nubian geographer, (p. 204,) and the travelling Jew, Benjamin of Tuleda (Itinerarium,​ p. 112 - 123, a Const. l'​Empereur,​ apud Elzevir, 1633,) are the only writers of my acquaintance,​ who have known Bagdad under the reign of the Abbassides.] [Footnote 42: The foundations of Bagdad were laid A. H. 145, A.D. 762. Mostasem, the last of the Abbassides, was taken and put to death by the Tartars, A. H. 656, A.D. 1258, the 20th of February.]
 +
 +[Footnote 43: Medinat al Salem, Dar al Salem. ​ Urbs pacis, or, as it is more neatly compounded by the Byzantine writers, (Irenopolis.) There is some dispute concerning the etymology of Bagdad, but the first syllable is allowed to signify a garden in the Persian tongue; the garden of Dad, a Christian hermit, whose cell had been the only habitation on the spot.] [Footnote 44: Reliquit in aerario sexcenties millies mille stateres. et quater et vicies millies mille aureos aureos. Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 126.  I have reckoned the gold pieces at eight shillings, and the proportion to the silver as twelve to one.  But I will never answer for the numbers of Erpenius; and the Latins are scarcely above the savages in the language of arithmetic.] [Footnote 45: D'​Herbelot,​ p. 530.  Abulfeda, p. 154.  Nivem Meccam apportavit, rem ibi aut nunquam aut rarissime visam.]
 +
 +[Footnote 46: Abulfeda (p. 184, 189) describes the splendor and liberality of Almamon. ​ Milton has alluded to this Oriental custom: -
 +
 +Or where the gorgeous East, with richest hand, Showers on her kings Barbaric pearls and gold.
 +
 +I have used the modern word lottery to express the word of the Roman emperors, which entitled to some prize the person who caught them, as they were thrown among the crowd.]
 +
 +[Footnote 47: When Bell of Antermony (Travels, vol. i. p. 99) accompanied the Russian ambassador to the audience of the unfortunate Shah Hussein of Persia, two lions were introduced, to denote the power of the king over the fiercest animals.]
 +
 +[Footnote 48: Abulfeda, p. 237.  D'​Herbelot,​ p. 590.  This embassy was received at Bagdad, A. H. 305, A.D. 917.  In the passage of Abulfeda, I have used, with some variations, the English translation of the learned and amiable Mr. Harris of Salisbury, (Philological Enquiries p. 363, 364.)] [Footnote 49: Cardonne, Histoire de l'​Afrique et de l'​Espagne,​ tom. i. p. 330 - 336.  A just idea of the taste and architecture of the Arabians of Spain may be conceived from the description and plates of the Alhambra of Grenada, (Swinburne'​s Travels, p. 171 - 188.)]
 +
 +====== Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. ======
 +
 +===== Part III. =====
 +
 +In a private condition, our desires are perpetually repressed by poverty and subordination;​ but the lives and labors of millions are devoted to the service of a despotic prince, whose laws are blindly obeyed, and whose wishes are instantly gratified. ​ Our imagination is dazzled by the splendid picture; and whatever may be the cool dictates of reason, there are few among us who would obstinately refuse a trial of the comforts and the cares of royalty. ​ It may therefore be of some use to borrow the experience of the same Abdalrahman,​ whose magnificence has perhaps excited our admiration and envy, and to transcribe an authentic memorial which was found in the closet of the deceased caliph. ​ "I have now reigned above fifty years in victory or peace; beloved by my subjects, dreaded by my enemies, and respected by my allies. ​ Riches and honors, power and pleasure, have waited on my call, nor does any earthly blessing appear to have been wanting to my felicity. ​ In this situation, I have diligently numbered the days of pure and genuine happiness which have fallen to my lot: they amount to Fourteen: - O man!  place not thy confidence in this present world!"​ ^50 The luxury of the caliphs, so useless to their private happiness, relaxed the nerves, and terminated the progress, of the Arabian empire. Temporal and spiritual conquest had been the sole occupation of the first successors of Mahomet; and after supplying themselves with the necessaries of life, the whole revenue was scrupulously devoted to that salutary work.  The Abbassides were impoverished by the multitude of their wants, and their contempt of oeconomy. Instead of pursuing the great object of ambition, their leisure, their affections, the powers of their mind, were diverted by pomp and pleasure: the rewards of valor were embezzled by women and eunuchs, and the royal camp was encumbered by the luxury of the palace. ​ A similar temper was diffused among the subjects of the caliph. ​ Their stern enthusiasm was softened by time and prosperity. they sought riches in the occupations of industry, fame in the pursuits of literature, and happiness in the tranquillity of domestic life.  War was no longer the passion of the Saracens; and the increase of pay, the repetition of donatives, were insufficient to allure the posterity of those voluntary champions who had crowded to the standard of Abubeker and Omar for the hopes of spoil and of paradise.
 +
 +[Footnote 50: Cardonne, tom. i. p. 329, 330.  This confession, the complaints of Solomon of the vanity of this world, (read Prior'​s verbose but eloquent poem,) and the happy ten days of the emperor Seghed, (Rambler, No. 204, 205,) will be triumphantly quoted by the detractors of human life. Their expectations are commonly immoderate, their estimates are seldom impartial. If I may speak of myself, (the only person of whom I can speak with certainty,) my happy hours have far exceeded, and far exceed, the scanty numbers of the caliph of Spain; and I shall not scruple to add, that many of them are due to the pleasing labor of the present composition.] Under the reign of the Ommiades, the studies of the Moslems were confined to the interpretation of the Koran, and the eloquence and poetry of their native tongue. ​ A people continually exposed to the dangers of the field must esteem the healing powers of medicine, or rather of surgery; but the starving physicians of Arabia murmured a complaint that exercise and temperance deprived them of the greatest part of their practice. ^51 After their civil and domestic wars, the subjects of the Abbassides, awakening from this mental lethargy, found leisure and felt curiosity for the acquisition of profane science. ​ This spirit was first encouraged by the caliph Almansor, who, besides his knowledge of the Mahometan law, had applied himself with success to the study of astronomy. ​ But when the sceptre devolved to Almamon, the seventh of the Abbassides, he completed the designs of his grandfather,​ and invited the muses from their ancient seats. ​ His ambassadors at Constantinople,​ his agents in Armenia, Syria, and Egypt, collected the volumes of Grecian science at his command they were translated by the most skilful interpreters into the Arabic language: his subjects were exhorted assiduously to peruse these instructive writings; and the successor of Mahomet assisted with pleasure and modesty at the assemblies and disputations of the learned. "He was not ignorant,"​ says Abulpharagius,​ "that they are the elect of God, his best and most useful servants, whose lives are devoted to the improvement of their rational faculties. The mean ambition of the Chinese or the Turks may glory in the industry of their hands or the indulgence of their brutal appetites. ​ Yet these dexterous artists must view, with hopeless emulation, the hexagons and pyramids of the cells of a beehive: ^52 these fortitudinous heroes are awed by the superior fierceness of the lions and tigers; and in their amorous enjoyments they are much inferior to the vigor of the grossest and most sordid quadrupeds. ​ The teachers of wisdom are the true luminaries and legislators of a world, which, without their aid, would again sink in ignorance and barbarism."​ ^53 The zeal and curiosity of Almamon were imitated by succeeding princes of the line of Abbas: their rivals, the Fatimites of Africa and the Ommiades of Spain, were the patrons of the learned, as well as the commanders of the faithful; the same royal prerogative was claimed by their independent emirs of the provinces; and their emulation diffused the taste and the rewards of science from Samarcand and Bochara to Fez and Cordova. ​ The vizier of a sultan consecrated a sum of two hundred thousand pieces of gold to the foundation of a college at Bagdad, which he endowed with an annual revenue of fifteen thousand dinars. ​ The fruits of instruction were communicated,​ perhaps at different times, to six thousand disciples of every degree, from the son of the noble to that of the mechanic: a sufficient allowance was provided for the indigent scholars; and the merit or industry of the professors was repaid with adequate stipends. ​ In every city the productions of Arabic literature were copied and collected by the curiosity of the studious and the vanity of the rich.  A private doctor refused the invitation of the sultan of Bochara, because the carriage of his books would have required four hundred camels. The royal library of the Fatimites consisted of one hundred thousand manuscripts,​ elegantly transcribed and splendidly bound, which were lent, without jealousy or avarice, to the students of Cairo. Yet this collection must appear moderate, if we can believe that the Ommiades of Spain had formed a library of six hundred thousand volumes, forty-four of which were employed in the mere catalogue. ​ Their capital, Cordova, with the adjacent towns of Malaga, Almeria, and Murcia, had given birth to more than three hundred writers, and above seventy public libraries were opened in the cities of the Andalusian kingdom. ​ The age of Arabian learning continued about five hundred years, till the great eruption of the Moguls, and was coeval with the darkest and most slothful period of European annals; but since the sun of science has arisen in the West, it should seem that the Oriental studies have languished and declined. ^54 [Footnote 51: The Guliston (p. 29) relates the conversation of Mahomet and a physician, (Epistol. Renaudot. in Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. tom. i. p. 814.) The prophet himself was skilled in the art of medicine; and Gagnier (Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 394 - 405) has given an extract of the aphorisms which are extant under his name.]
 +
 +[Footnote 52: See their curious architecture in Reaumur (Hist. des Insectes, tom. v. Memoire viii.) These hexagons are closed by a pyramid; the angles of the three sides of a similar pyramid, such as would accomplish the given end with the smallest quantity possible of materials, were determined by a mathematician,​ at 109 degrees 26 minutes for the larger, 70 degrees 34 minutes for the smaller. ​ The actual measure is 109 degrees 28 minutes, 70 degrees 32 minutes. ​ Yet this perfect harmony raises the work at the expense of the artist he bees are not masters of transcendent geometry.]
 +
 +[Footnote 53: Saed Ebn Ahmed, cadhi of Toledo, who died A. H. 462, A.D. 069, has furnished Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 160) with this curious passage, as well as with the text of Pocock'​s Specimen Historiae Arabum. ​ A number of literary anecdotes of philosophers,​ physicians, &c., who have flourished under each caliph, form the principal merit of the Dynasties of Abulpharagius.] [Footnote 54: These literary anecdotes are borrowed from the Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana,​ (tom. ii. p. 38, 71, 201, 202,) Leo Africanus, (de Arab. Medicis et Philosophis,​ in Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. xiii. p. 259 - 293, particularly p. 274,) and Renaudot, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 274, 275, 536, 537,) besides the chronological remarks of Abulpharagius.] In the libraries of the Arabians, as in those of Europe, the far greater part of the innumerable volumes were possessed only of local value or imaginary merit. ^55 The shelves were crowded with orators and poets, whose style was adapted to the taste and manners of their countrymen; with general and partial histories, which each revolving generation supplied with a new harvest of persons and events; with codes and commentaries of jurisprudence,​ which derived their authority from the law of the prophet; with the interpreters of the Koran, and orthodox tradition; and with the whole theological tribe, polemics, mystics, scholastics,​ and moralists, the first or the last of writers, according to the different estimates of sceptics or believers. ​ The works of speculation or science may be reduced to the four classes of philosophy, mathematics,​ astronomy, and physic. ​ The sages of Greece were translated and illustrated in the Arabic language, and some treatises, now lost in the original, have been recovered in the versions of the East, ^56 which possessed and studied the writings of Aristotle and Plato, of Euclid and Apollonius, of Ptolemy, Hippocrates,​ and Galen. ^57 Among the ideal systems which have varied with the fashion of the times, the Arabians adopted the philosophy of the Stagirite, alike intelligible or alike obscure for the readers of every age.  Plato wrote for the Athenians, and his allegorical genius is too closely blended with the language and religion of Greece. ​ After the fall of that religion, the Peripatetics,​ emerging from their obscurity, prevailed in the controversies of the Oriental sects, and their founder was long afterwards restored by the Mahometans of Spain to the Latin schools. ^58 The physics, both of the Academy and the Lycaeum, as they are built, not on observation,​ but on argument, have retarded the progress of real knowledge. ​ The metaphysics of infinite, or finite, spirit, have too often been enlisted in the service of superstition. ​ But the human faculties are fortified by the art and practice of dialectics; the ten predicaments of Aristotle collect and methodize our ideas, ^59 and his syllogism is the keenest weapon of dispute. ​ It was dexterously wielded in the schools of the Saracens, but as it is more effectual for the detection of error than for the investigation of truth, it is not surprising that new generations of masters and disciples should still revolve in the same circle of logical argument. The mathematics are distinguished by a peculiar privilege, that, in the course of ages, they may always advance, and can never recede. ​ But the ancient geometry, if I am not misinformed,​ was resumed in the same state by the Italians of the fifteenth century; and whatever may be the origin of the name, the science of algebra is ascribed to the Grecian Diophantus by the modest testimony of the Arabs themselves. ^60 They cultivated with more success the sublime science of astronomy, which elevates the mind of man to disdain his diminutive planet and momentary existence. ​ The costly instruments of observation were supplied by the caliph Almamon, and the land of the Chaldaeans still afforded the same spacious level, the same unclouded horizon. In the plains of Sinaar, and a second time in those of Cufa, his mathematicians accurately measured a degree of the great circle of the earth, and determined at twenty-four thousand miles the entire circumference of our globe. ^61 From the reign of the Abbassides to that of the grandchildren of Tamerlane, the stars, without the aid of glasses, were diligently observed; and the astronomical tables of Bagdad, Spain, and Samarcand, ^62 correct some minute errors, without daring to renounce the hypothesis of Ptolemy, without advancing a step towards the discovery of the solar system. ​ In the Eastern courts, the truths of science could be recommended only by ignorance and folly, and the astronomer would have been disregarded,​ had he not debased his wisdom or honesty by the vain predictions of astrology. ^63 But in the science of medicine, the Arabians have been deservedly applauded. ​ The names of Mesua and Geber, of Razis and Avicenna, are ranked with the Grecian masters; in the city of Bagdad, eight hundred and sixty physicians were licensed to exercise their lucrative profession: ^64 in Spain, the life of the Catholic princes was intrusted to the skill of the Saracens, ^65 and the school of Salerno, their legitimate offspring, revived in Italy and Europe the precepts of the healing art. ^66 The success of each professor must have been influenced by personal and accidental causes; but we may form a less fanciful estimate of their general knowledge of anatomy, ^67 botany, ^68 and chemistry, ^69 the threefold basis of their theory and practice. ​ A superstitious reverence for the dead confined both the Greeks and the Arabians to the dissection of apes and quadrupeds; the more solid and visible parts were known in the time of Galen, and the finer scrutiny of the human frame was reserved for the microscope and the injections of modern artists. ​ Botany is an active science, and the discoveries of the torrid zone might enrich the herbal of Dioscorides with two thousand plants. ​ Some traditionary knowledge might be secreted in the temples and monasteries of Egypt; much useful experience had been acquired in the practice of arts and manufactures;​ but the science of chemistry owes its origin and improvement to the industry of the Saracens. ​ They first invented and named the alembic for the purposes of distillation,​ analyzed the substances of the three kingdoms of nature, tried the distinction and affinities of alcalis and acids, and converted the poisonous minerals into soft and salutary medicines. ​ But the most eager search of Arabian chemistry was the transmutation of metals, and the elixir of immortal health: the reason and the fortunes of thousands were evaporated in the crucibles of alchemy, and the consummation of the great work was promoted by the worthy aid of mystery, fable, and superstition.
 +
 +[Footnote 55: The Arabic catalogue of the Escurial will give a just idea of the proportion of the classes. ​ In the library of Cairo, the Mss of astronomy and medicine amounted to 6500, with two fair globes, the one of brass, the other of silver, (Bibliot. Arab. Hisp. tom. i. p. 417.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 56: As, for instance, the fifth, sixth, and seventh books (the eighth is still wanting) of the Conic Sections of Apollonius Pergaeus, which were printed from the Florence Ms. 1661, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. ii. p. 559.) Yet the fifth book had been previously restored by the mathematical divination of Viviani, (see his Eloge in Fontenelle, tom. v. p. 59, &c.)] [Footnote 57: The merit of these Arabic versions is freely discussed by Renaudot, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. i. p. 812 - 816,) and piously defended by Casiri, (Bibliot. Arab. Hispana, tom. i. p. 238 - 240.) Most of the versions of Plato, Aristotle, Hippocrates,​ Galen, &c., are ascribed to Honain, a physician of the Nestorian sect, who flourished at Bagdad in the court of the caliphs, and died A.D. 876.  He was at the head of a school or manufacture of translations,​ and the works of his sons and disciples were published under his name.  See Abulpharagius,​ (Dynast. p. 88, 115, 171 - 174, and apud Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 438,) D'​Herbelot,​ (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 456,) Asseman. ​ (Bibliot. Orient. tom. iii. p. 164,) and Casiri, (Bibliot. Arab. Hispana, tom. i. p. 238, &c. 251, 286 - 290, 302, 304, &c.)] [Footnote 58: See Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 181, 214, 236, 257, 315, 388, 396, 438, &c.]
 +
 +[Footnote 59: The most elegant commentary on the Categories or Predicaments of Aristotle may be found in the Philosophical Arrangements of Mr. James Harris, (London, 1775, in octavo,) who labored to revive the studies of Grecian literature and philosophy.]
 +
 +[Footnote 60: Abulpharagius,​ Dynast. p. 81, 222.  Bibliot. Arab. Hisp. tom. i. p. 370, 371.  In quem (says the primate of the Jacobites) si immiserit selector, oceanum hoc in genere (algebrae) inveniet. ​ The time of Diophantus of Alexandria is unknown; but his six books are still extant, and have been illustrated by the Greek Planudes and the Frenchman Meziriac, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. iv. p. 12 - 15.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 61: Abulfeda (Annal. Moslem. p. 210, 211, vers. Reiske) describes this operation according to Ibn Challecan, and the best historians. ​ This degree most accurately contains 200,000 royal or Hashemite cubits which Arabia had derived from the sacred and legal practice both of Palestine and Egypt. This ancient cubit is repeated 400 times in each basis of the great pyramid, and seems to indicate the primitive and universal measures of the East. See the Metrologie of the laborions. ​ M. Paucton, p. 101 - 195.] [Footnote 62: See the Astronomical Tables of Ulugh Begh, with the preface of Dr. Hyde in the first volume of his Syntagma Dissertationum,​ Oxon. 1767.] [Footnote 63: The truth of astrology was allowed by Albumazar, and the best of the Arabian astronomers,​ who drew their most certain predictions,​ not from Venus and Mercury, but from Jupiter and the sun, (Abulpharag. Dynast. p. 161 - 163.) For the state and science of the Persian astronomers,​ see Chardin, (Voyages en Perse, tom. iii. p. 162 - 203.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 64: Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana,​ tom. i. p. 438.  The original relates a pleasant tale of an ignorant, but harmless, practitioner.] [Footnote 65: In the year 956, Sancho the Fat, king of Leon, was cured by the physicians of Cordova, (Mariana, l. viii. c. 7, tom. i. p. 318.)] [Footnote 66: The school of Salerno, and the introduction of the Arabian sciences into Italy, are discussed with learning and judgment by Muratori (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. iii. p. 932 - 940) and Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii. p. 119 - 127.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 67: See a good view of the progress of anatomy in Wotton, (Reflections on Ancient and Modern Learning, p. 208 - 256.) His reputation has been unworthily depreciated by the wits in the controversy of Boyle and Bentley.]
 +
 +[Footnote 68: Bibliot. Arab. Hispana, tom. i. p. 275.  Al Beithar, of Malaga, their greatest botanist, had travelled into Africa, Persia, and India.] [Footnote 69: Dr. Watson, (Elements of Chemistry, vol. i. p. 17, &c.) allows the original merit of the Arabians. ​ Yet he quotes the modest confession of the famous Geber of the ixth century, (D'​Herbelot,​ p. 387,) that he had drawn most of his science, perhaps the transmutation of metals, from the ancient sages. Whatever might be the origin or extent of their knowledge, the arts of chemistry and alchemy appear to have been known in Egypt at least three hundred years before Mahomet, (Wotton'​s Reflections,​ p. 121 - 133.  Pauw, Recherches sur les Egyptiens et les Chinois, tom. i. p. 376 - 429.) Note: Mr. Whewell (Hist. of Inductive Sciences, vol. i. p. 336) rejects the claim of the Arabians as inventors of the science of chemistry. "The formation and realization of the notions of analysis and affinity were important steps in chemical science; which, as I shall hereafter endeavor to show it remained for the chemists of Europe to make at a much later period."​ - M.]
 +
 +But the Moslems deprived themselves of the principal benefits of a familiar intercourse with Greece and Rome, the knowledge of antiquity, the purity of taste, and the freedom of thought. ​ Confident in the riches of their native tongue, the Arabians disdained the study of any foreign idiom. The Greek interpreters were chosen among their Christian subjects; they formed their translations,​ sometimes on the original text, more frequently perhaps on a Syriac version; and in the crowd of astronomers and physicians, there is no example of a poet, an orator, or even an historian, being taught to speak the language of the Saracens. ^70 The mythology of Homer would have provoked the abhorrence of those stern fanatics: they possessed in lazy ignorance the colonies of the Macedonians,​ and the provinces of Carthage and Rome: the heroes of Plutarch and Livy were buried in oblivion; and the history of the world before Mahomet was reduced to a short legend of the patriarchs, the prophets, and the Persian kings. ​ Our education in the Greek and Latin schools may have fixed in our minds a standard of exclusive taste; and I am not forward to condemn the literature and judgment of nations, of whose language I am ignorant. ​ Yet I know that the classics have much to teach, and I believe that the Orientals have much to learn; the temperate dignity of style, the graceful proportions of art, the forms of visible and intellectual beauty, the just delineation of character and passion, the rhetoric of narrative and argument, the regular fabric of epic and dramatic poetry. ^71 The influence of truth and reason is of a less ambiguous complexion. ​ The philosophers of Athens and Rome enjoyed the blessings, and asserted the rights, of civil and religious freedom. ​ Their moral and political writings might have gradually unlocked the fetters of Eastern despotism, diffused a liberal spirit of inquiry and toleration, and encouraged the Arabian sages to suspect that their caliph was a tyrant, and their prophet an impostor. ^72 The instinct of superstition was alarmed by the introduction even of the abstract sciences; and the more rigid doctors of the law condemned the rash and pernicious curiosity of Almamon. ^73 To the thirst of martyrdom, the vision of paradise, and the belief of predestination,​ we must ascribe the invincible enthusiasm of the prince and people. ​ And the sword of the Saracens became less formidable when their youth was drawn away from the camp to the college, when the armies of the faithful presumed to read and to reflect. Yet the foolish vanity of the Greeks was jealous of their studies, and reluctantly imparted the sacred fire to the Barbarians of the East. ^74
 +
 +[Footnote 70: Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 26, 148) mentions a Syriac version of Homer'​s two poems, by Theophilus, a Christian Maronite of Mount Libanus, who professed astronomy at Roha or Edessa towards the end of the viiith century. His work would be a literary curiosity. ​ I have read somewhere, but I do not believe, that Plutarch'​s Lives were translated into Turkish for the use of Mahomet the Second.]
 +
 +[Footnote 71: I have perused, with much pleasure, Sir William Jones'​s Latin Commentary on Asiatic Poetry, (London, 1774, in octavo,) which was composed in the youth of that wonderful linguist. ​ At present, in the maturity of his taste and judgment, he would perhaps abate of the fervent, and even partial, praise which he has bestowed on the Orientals.]
 +
 +[Footnote 72: Among the Arabian philosophers,​ Averroes has been accused of despising the religions of the Jews, the Christians, and the Mahometans, (see his article in Bayle'​s Dictionary.) Each of these sects would agree, that in two instances out of three, his contempt was reasonable.]
 +
 +[Footnote 73: D'​Herbelot,​ Bibliotheque,​ Orientale, p. 546.] [Footnote 74: Cedrenus, p. 548, who relates how manfully the emperor refused a mathematician to the instances and offers of the caliph Almamon. ​ This absurd scruple is expressed almost in the same words by the continuator of Theophanes, (Scriptores post Theophanem, p. 118.)]
 +
 +In the bloody conflict of the Ommiades and Abbassides, the Greeks had stolen the opportunity of avenging their wrongs and enlarging their limits. But a severe retribution was exacted by Mohadi, the third caliph of the new dynasty, who seized, in his turn, the favorable opportunity,​ while a woman and a child, Irene and Constantine,​ were seated on the Byzantine throne. An army of ninety-five thousand Persians and Arabs was sent from the Tigris to the Thracian Bosphorus, under the command of Harun, ^75 or Aaron, the second son of the commander of the faithful. ​ His encampment on the opposite heights of Chrysopolis,​ or Scutari, informed Irene, in her palace of Constantinople,​ of the loss of her troops and provinces. ​ With the consent or connivance of their sovereign, her ministers subscribed an ignominious peace; and the exchange of some royal gifts could not disguise the annual tribute of seventy thousand dinars of gold, which was imposed on the Roman empire. ​ The Saracens had too rashly advanced into the midst of a distant and hostile land: their retreat was solicited by the promise of faithful guides and plentiful markets; and not a Greek had courage to whisper, that their weary forces might be surrounded and destroyed in their necessary passage between a slippery mountain and the River Sangarius. Five years after this expedition, Harun ascended the throne of his father and his elder brother; the most powerful and vigorous monarch of his race, illustrious in the West, as the ally of Charlemagne,​ and familiar to the most childish readers, as the perpetual hero of the Arabian tales. ​ His title to the name of Al Rashid (the Just) is sullied by the extirpation of the generous, perhaps the innocent, Barmecides; yet he could listen to the complaint of a poor widow who had been pillaged by his troops, and who dared, in a passage of the Koran, to threaten the inattentive despot with the judgment of God and posterity. ​ His court was adorned with luxury and science; but, in a reign of three-and-twenty years, Harun repeatedly visited his provinces from Chorasan to Egypt; nine times he performed the pilgrimage of Mecca; eight times he invaded the territories of the Romans; and as often as they declined the payment of the tribute, they were taught to feel that a month of depredation was more costly than a year of submission. ​ But when the unnatural mother of Constantine was deposed and banished, her successor, Nicephorus, resolved to obliterate this badge of servitude and disgrace. ​ The epistle of the emperor to the caliph was pointed with an allusion to the game of chess, which had already spread from Persia to Greece. "The queen (he spoke of Irene) considered you as a rook, and herself as a pawn.  That pusillanimous female submitted to pay a tribute, the double of which she ought to have exacted from the Barbarians. Restore therefore the fruits of your injustice, or abide the determination of the sword."​ At these words the ambassadors cast a bundle of swords before the foot of the throne. ​ The caliph smiled at the menace, and drawing his cimeter, samsamah, a weapon of historic or fabulous renown, he cut asunder the feeble arms of the Greeks, without turning the edge, or endangering the temper, of his blade. ​ He then dictated an epistle of tremendous brevity: "In the name of the most merciful God, Harun al Rashid, commander of the faithful, to Nicephorus, the Roman dog.  I have read thy letter, O thou son of an unbelieving mother. ​ Thou shalt not hear, thou shalt behold, my reply."​ It was written in characters of blood and fire on the plains of Phrygia; and the warlike celerity of the Arabs could only be checked by the arts of deceit and the show of repentance. The triumphant caliph retired, after the fatigues of the campaign, to his favorite palace of Racca on the Euphrates: ^76 but the distance of five hundred miles, and the inclemency of the season, encouraged his adversary to violate the peace. Nicephorus was astonished by the bold and rapid march of the commander of the faithful, who repassed, in the depth of winter, the snows of Mount Taurus: his stratagems of policy and war were exhausted; and the perfidious Greek escaped with three wounds from a field of battle overspread with forty thousand of his subjects. ​ Yet the emperor was ashamed of submission, and the caliph was resolved on victory. ​ One hundred and thirty-five thousand regular soldiers received pay, and were inscribed in the military roll; and above three hundred thousand persons of every denomination marched under the black standard of the Abbassides. They swept the surface of Asia Minor far beyond Tyana and Ancyra, and invested the Pontic Heraclea, ^77 once a flourishing state, now a paltry town; at that time capable of sustaining, in her antique walls, a month'​s siege against the forces of the East. The ruin was complete, the spoil was ample; but if Harun had been conversant with Grecian story, he would have regretted the statue of Hercules, whose attributes, the club, the bow, the quiver, and the lion's hide, were sculptured in massy gold.  The progress of desolation by sea and land, from the Euxine to the Isle of Cyprus, compelled the emperor Nicephorus to retract his haughty defiance. ​ In the new treaty, the ruins of Heraclea were left forever as a lesson and a trophy; and the coin of the tribute was marked with the image and superscription of Harun and his three sons. ^78 Yet this plurality of lords might contribute to remove the dishonor of the Roman name.  After the death of their father, the heirs of the caliph were involved in civil discord, and the conqueror, the liberal Almamon, was sufficiently engaged in the restoration of domestic peace and the introduction of foreign science.
 +
 +[Footnote 75: See the reign and character of Harun Al Rashid, in the Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 431 - 433, under his proper title; and in the relative articles to which M. D'​Herbelot refers. ​ That learned collector has shown much taste in stripping the Oriental chronicles of their instructive and amusing anecdotes.]
 +
 +[Footnote 76: For the situation of Racca, the old Nicephorium,​ consult D'​Anville,​ (l'​Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 24 - 27.) The Arabian Nights represent Harun al Rashid as almost stationary in Bagdad. ​ He respected the royal seat of the Abbassides: but the vices of the inhabitants had driven him from the city, (Abulfed. Annal. p. 167.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 77: M. de Tournefort, in his coasting voyage from Constantinople to Trebizond, passed a night at Heraclea or Eregri. ​ His eye surveyed the present state, his reading collected the antiquities,​ of the city (Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre xvi. p. 23 - 35.) We have a separate history of Heraclea in the fragments of Memnon, which are preserved by Photius.]
 +
 +[Footnote 78: The wars of Harun al Rashid against the Roman empire are related by Theophanes, (p. 384, 385, 391, 396, 407, 408.) Zonaras, (tom. iii. l. xv. p. 115, 124,) Cedrenus, (p. 477, 478,) Eutycaius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 407,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 136, 151, 152,) Abulpharagius,​ (Dynast. p. 147, 151,) and Abulfeda, (p. 156, 166 - 168.)]
 +
 +====== Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. ======
 +
 +===== Part IV. =====
 +
 +Under the reign of Almamon at Bagdad, of Michael the Stammerer at Constantinople,​ the islands of Crete ^79 and Sicily were subdued by the Arabs. The former of these conquests is disdained by their own writers, who were ignorant of the fame of Jupiter and Minos, but it has not been overlooked by the Byzantine historians, who now begin to cast a clearer light on the affairs of their own times. ^80 A band of Andalusian volunteers, discontented with the climate or government of Spain, explored the adventures of the sea; but as they sailed in no more than ten or twenty galleys, their warfare must be branded with the name of piracy. ​ As the subjects and sectaries of the white party, they might lawfully invade the dominions of the black caliphs. ​ A rebellious faction introduced them into Alexandria; ^81 they cut in pieces both friends and foes, pillaged the churches and the moschs, sold above six thousand Christian captives, and maintained their station in the capital of Egypt, till they were oppressed by the forces and the presence of Almamon himself. ​ From the mouth of the Nile to the Hellespont, the islands and sea-coasts both of the Greeks and Moslems were exposed to their depredations;​ they saw, they envied, they tasted the fertility of Crete, and soon returned with forty galleys to a more serious attack. ​ The Andalusians wandered over the land fearless and unmolested; but when they descended with their plunder to the sea-shore, their vessels were in flames, and their chief, Abu Caab, confessed himself the author of the mischief. Their clamors accused his madness or treachery. ​ "Of what do you complain?"​ replied the crafty emir.  "I have brought you to a land flowing with milk and honey. ​ Here is your true country; repose from your toils, and forget the barren place of your nativity."​ "And our wives and children?"​ "Your beauteous captives will supply the place of your wives, and in their embraces you will soon become the fathers of a new progeny."​ The first habitation was their camp, with a ditch and rampart, in the Bay of Suda; but an apostate monk led them to a more desirable position in the eastern parts; and the name of Candax, their fortress and colony, has been extended to the whole island, under the corrupt and modern appellation of Candia. ​ The hundred cities of the age of Minos were diminished to thirty; and of these, only one, most probably Cydonia, had courage to retain the substance of freedom and the profession of Christianity. The Saracens of Crete soon repaired the loss of their navy; and the timbers of Mount Ida were launched into the main.  During a hostile period of one hundred and thirty-eight years, the princes of Constantinople attacked these licentious corsairs with fruitless curses and ineffectual arms. [Footnote 79: The authors from whom I have learned the most of the ancient and modern state of Crete, are Belon, (Observations,​ &c., c. 3 - 20, Paris, 1555,) Tournefort, (Voyage du Levant, tom. i. lettre ii. et iii.,) and Meursius, (Creta, in his works, tom. iii. p. 343 - 544.) Although Crete is styled by Homer, by Dionysius, I cannot conceive that mountainous island to surpass, or even to equal, in fertility the greater part of Spain.]
 +
 +[Footnote 80: The most authentic and circumstantial intelligence is obtained from the four books of the Continuation of Theophanes, compiled by the pen or the command of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,​ with the Life of his father Basil, the Macedonian, (Scriptores post Theophanem, p. 1 - 162, a Francisc. Combefis, Paris, 1685.) The loss of Crete and Sicily is related, l. ii. p. 46 - 52.  To these we may add the secondary evidence of Joseph Genesius, (l. ii. p. 21, Venet. 1733,) George Cedrenus, (Compend. p. 506 - 508,) and John Scylitzes Curopalata, (apud Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 827, No. 24, &c.) But the modern Greeks are such notorious plagiaries, that I should only quote a plurality of names.]
 +
 +[Footnote 81: Renaudot (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 251 - 256, 268 - 270) had described the ravages of the Andalusian Arabs in Egypt, but has forgot to connect them with the conquest of Crete.]
 +
 +The loss of Sicily ^82 was occasioned by an act of superstitious rigor. An amorous youth, who had stolen a nun from her cloister, was sentenced by the emperor to the amputation of his tongue. ​ Euphemius appealed to the reason and policy of the Saracens of Africa; and soon returned with the Imperial purple, a fleet of one hundred ships, and an army of seven hundred horse and ten thousand foot.  They landed at Mazara near the ruins of the ancient Selinus; but after some partial victories, Syracuse ^83 was delivered by the Greeks, the apostate was slain before her walls, and his African friends were reduced to the necessity of feeding on the flesh of their own horses. ​ In their turn they were relieved by a powerful reenforcement of their brethren of Andalusia; the largest and western part of the island was gradually reduced, and the commodious harbor of Palermo was chosen for the seat of the naval and military power of the Saracens. ​ Syracuse preserved about fifty years the faith which she had sworn to Christ and to Caesar. ​ In the last and fatal siege, her citizens displayed some remnant of the spirit which had formerly resisted the powers of Athens and Carthage. ​ They stood above twenty days against the battering-rams and catapultoe, the mines and tortoises of the besiegers; and the place might have been relieved, if the mariners of the Imperial fleet had not been detained at Constantinople in building a church to the Virgin Mary. The deacon Theodosius, with the bishop and clergy, was dragged in chains from the altar to Palermo, cast into a subterraneous dungeon, and exposed to the hourly peril of death or apostasy. ​ His pathetic, and not inelegant, complaint may be read as the epitaph of his country. ^84 From the Roman conquest to this final calamity, Syracuse, now dwindled to the primitive Isle of Ortygea, had insensibly declined. ​ Yet the relics were still precious; the plate of the cathedral weighed five thousand pounds of silver; the entire spoil was computed at one million of pieces of gold, (about four hundred thousand pounds sterling,) and the captives must outnumber the seventeen thousand Christians, who were transported from the sack of Tauromenium into African servitude. ​ In Sicily, the religion and language of the Greeks were eradicated; and such was the docility of the rising generation, that fifteen thousand boys were circumcised and clothed on the same day with the son of the Fatimite caliph. The Arabian squadrons issued from the harbors of Palermo, Biserta, and Tunis; a hundred and fifty towns of Calabria and Campania were attacked and pillaged; nor could the suburbs of Rome be defended by the name of the Caesars and apostles. ​ Had the Mahometans been united, Italy must have fallen an easy and glorious accession to the empire of the prophet. ​ But the caliphs of Bagdad had lost their authority in the West; the Aglabites and Fatimites usurped the provinces of Africa, their emirs of Sicily aspired to independence;​ and the design of conquest and dominion was degraded to a repetition of predatory inroads. ^85
 +
 +[Footnote 82: Theophanes, l. ii. p. 51.  This history of the loss of Sicily is no longer extant. ​ Muratori (Annali d' Italia, tom. vii. p. 719, 721, &c.) has added some circumstances from the Italian chronicles.]
 +
 +[Footnote 83: The splendid and interesting tragedy of Tancrede would adapt itself much better to this epoch, than to the date (A.D. 1005) which Voltaire himself has chosen. ​ But I must gently reproach the poet for infusing into the Greek subjects the spirit of modern knights and ancient republicans.] [Footnote 84: The narrative or lamentation of Theodosius is transcribed and illustrated by Pagi, (Critica, tom. iii. p. 719, &c.) Constantine Porphyrogenitus (in Vit. Basil, c. 69, 70, p. 190 - 192) mentions the loss of Syracuse and the triumph of the demons.]
 +
 +[Footnote 85: The extracts from the Arabic histories of Sicily are given in Abulfeda, (Annal'​ Moslem. p. 271 - 273,) and in the first volume of Muratori'​s Scriptores Rerum Italicarum. ​ M. de Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 363, 364) has added some important facts.]
 +
 +In the sufferings of prostrate Italy, the name of Rome awakens a solemn and mournful recollection. ​ A fleet of Saracens from the African coast presumed to enter the mouth of the Tyber, and to approach a city which even yet, in her fallen state, was revered as the metropolis of the Christian world. ​ The gates and ramparts were guarded by a trembling people; but the tombs and temples of St. Peter and St. Paul were left exposed in the suburbs of the Vatican and of the Ostian way.  Their invisible sanctity had protected them against the Goths, the Vandals, and the Lombards; but the Arabs disdained both the gospel and the legend; and their rapacious spirit was approved and animated by the precepts of the Koran. ​ The Christian idols were stripped of their costly offerings; a silver altar was torn away from the shrine of St. Peter; and if the bodies or the buildings were left entire, their deliverance must be imputed to the haste, rather than the scruples, of the Saracens. ​ In their course along the Appian way, they pillaged Fundi and besieged Gayeta; but they had turned aside from the walls of Rome, and by their divisions, the Capitol was saved from the yoke of the prophet of Mecca. ​ The same danger still impended on the heads of the Roman people; and their domestic force was unequal to the assault of an African emir.  They claimed the protection of their Latin sovereign; but the Carlovingian standard was overthrown by a detachment of the Barbarians: they meditated the restoration of the Greek emperors; but the attempt was treasonable,​ and the succor remote and precarious. ^86 Their distress appeared to receive some aggravation from the death of their spiritual and temporal chief; but the pressing emergency superseded the forms and intrigues of an election; and the unanimous choice of Pope Leo the Fourth ^87 was the safety of the church and city.  This pontiff was born a Roman; the courage of the first ages of the republic glowed in his breast; and, amidst the ruins of his country, he stood erect, like one of the firm and lofty columns that rear their heads above the fragments of the Roman forum. ​ The first days of his reign were consecrated to the purification and removal of relics, to prayers and processions,​ and to all the solemn offices of religion, which served at least to heal the imagination,​ and restore the hopes, of the multitude. ​ The public defence had been long neglected, not from the presumption of peace, but from the distress and poverty of the times. ​ As far as the scantiness of his means and the shortness of his leisure would allow, the ancient walls were repaired by the command of Leo; fifteen towers, in the most accessible stations, were built or renewed; two of these commanded on either side of the Tyber; and an iron chain was drawn across the stream to impede the ascent of a hostile navy.  The Romans were assured of a short respite by the welcome news, that the siege of Gayeta had been raised, and that a part of the enemy, with their sacrilegious plunder, had perished in the waves.
 +
 +[Footnote 86: One of the most eminent Romans (Gratianus, magister militum et Romani palatii superista) was accused of declaring, Quia Franci nihil nobis boni faciunt, neque adjutorium praebent, sed magis quae nostra sunt violenter tollunt. ​ Quare non advocamus Graecos, et cum eis foedus pacis componentes,​ Francorum regem et gentem de nostro regno et dominatione expellimus? Anastasius in Leone IV. p. 199.]
 +
 +[Footnote 87: Voltaire (Hist. Generale, tom. ii. c. 38, p. 124) appears to be remarkably struck with the character of Pope Leo IV.  I have borrowed his general expression, but the sight of the forum has furnished me with a more distinct and lively image.]
 +
 +But the storm, which had been delayed, soon burst upon them with redoubled violence. ​ The Aglabite, ^88 who reigned in Africa, had inherited from his father a treasure and an army: a fleet of Arabs and Moors, after a short refreshment in the harbors of Sardinia, cast anchor before the mouth of the Tyber, sixteen miles from the city: and their discipline and numbers appeared to threaten, not a transient inroad, but a serious design of conquest and dominion. ​ But the vigilance of Leo had formed an alliance with the vassals of the Greek empire, the free and maritime states of Gayeta, Naples, and Amalfi; and in the hour of danger, their galleys appeared in the port of Ostia under the command of Caesarius, the son of the Neapolitan duke, a noble and valiant youth, who had already vanquished the fleets of the Saracens. With his principal companions, Caesarius was invited to the Lateran palace, and the dexterous pontiff affected to inquire their errand, and to accept with joy and surprise their providential succor. ​ The city bands, in arms, attended their father to Ostia, where he reviewed and blessed his generous deliverers. They kissed his feet, received the communion with martial devotion, and listened to the prayer of Leo, that the same God who had supported St. Peter and St. Paul on the waves of the sea, would strengthen the hands of his champions against the adversaries of his holy name.  After a similar prayer, and with equal resolution, the Moslems advanced to the attack of the Christian galleys, which preserved their advantageous station along the coast. ​ The victory inclined to the side of the allies, when it was less gloriously decided in their favor by a sudden tempest, which confounded the skill and courage of the stoutest mariners. ​ The Christians were sheltered in a friendly harbor, while the Africans were scattered and dashed in pieces among the rocks and islands of a hostile shore. ​ Those who escaped from shipwreck and hunger neither found, nor deserved, mercy at the hands of their implacable pursuers. The sword and the gibbet reduced the dangerous multitude of captives; and the remainder was more usefully employed, to restore the sacred edifices which they had attempted to subvert. ​ The pontiff, at the head of the citizens and allies, paid his grateful devotion at the shrines of the apostles; and, among the spoils of this naval victory, thirteen Arabian bows of pure and massy silver were suspended round the altar of the fishermen of Galilee. ​ The reign of Leo the Fourth was employed in the defence and ornament of the Roman state. The churches were renewed and embellished:​ near four thousand pounds of silver were consecrated to repair the losses of St. Peter; and his sanctuary was decorated with a plate of gold of the weight of two hundred and sixteen pounds, embossed with the portraits of the pope and emperor, and encircled with a string of pearls. ​ Yet this vain magnificence reflects less glory on the character of Leo than the paternal care with which he rebuilt the walls of Horta and Ameria; and transported the wandering inhabitants of Centumcellae to his new foundation of Leopolis, twelve miles from the sea- shore. ^89 By his liberality, a colony of Corsicans, with their wives and children, was planted in the station of Porto, at the mouth of the Tyber: the falling city was restored for their use, the fields and vineyards were divided among the new settlers: their first efforts were assisted by a gift of horses and cattle; and the hardy exiles, who breathed revenge against the Saracens, swore to live and die under the standard of St. Peter. ​ The nations of the West and North who visited the threshold of the apostles had gradually formed the large and populous suburb of the Vatican, and their various habitations were distinguished,​ in the language of the times, as the schools of the Greeks and Goths, of the Lombards and Saxons. ​ But this venerable spot was still open to sacrilegious insult: the design of enclosing it with walls and towers exhausted all that authority could command, or charity would supply: and the pious labor of four years was animated in every season, and at every hour, by the presence of the indefatigable pontiff. ​ The love of fame, a generous but worldly passion, may be detected in the name of the Leonine city, which he bestowed on the Vatican; yet the pride of the dedication was tempered with Christian penance and humility. ​ The boundary was trod by the bishop and his clergy, barefoot, in sackcloth and ashes; the songs of triumph were modulated to psalms and litanies; the walls were besprinkled with holy water; and the ceremony was concluded with a prayer, that, under the guardian care of the apostles and the angelic host, both the old and the new Rome might ever be preserved pure, prosperous, and impregnable. ^90
 +
 +[Footnote 88: De Guignes, Hist. Generale des Huns, tom. i. p. 363, 364. Cardonne, Hist. de l'​Afrique et de l'​Espagne,​ sous la Domination des Arabs, tom. ii. p. 24, 25.  I observe, and cannot reconcile, the difference of these writers in the succession of the Aglabites.]
 +
 +[Footnote 89: Beretti (Chorographia Italiae Medii Evi, p. 106, 108) has illustrated Centumcellae,​ Leopolis, Civitas Leonina, and the other places of the Roman duchy.]
 +
 +[Footnote 90: The Arabs and the Greeks are alike silent concerning the invasion of Rome by the Africans. ​ The Latin chronicles do not afford much instruction,​ (see the Annals of Baronius and Pagi.) Our authentic and contemporary guide for the popes of the ixth century is Anastasius, librarian of the Roman church. ​ His Life of Leo IV, contains twenty-four pages, (p. 175 - 199, edit. Paris;) and if a great part consist of superstitious trifles, we must blame or command his hero, who was much oftener in a church than in a camp.]
 +
 +The emperor Theophilus, son of Michael the Stammerer, was one of the most active and high-spirited princes who reigned at Constantinople during the middle age.  In offensive or defensive war, he marched in person five times against the Saracens, formidable in his attack, esteemed by the enemy in his losses and defeats. ​ In the last of these expeditions he penetrated into Syria, and besieged the obscure town of Sozopetra; the casual birthplace of the caliph Motassem, whose father Harun was attended in peace or war by the most favored of his wives and concubines. ​ The revolt of a Persian impostor employed at that moment the arms of the Saracen, and he could only intercede in favor of a place for which he felt and acknowledged some degree of filial affection. ​ These solicitations determined the emperor to wound his pride in so sensible a part.  Sozopetra was levelled with the ground, the Syrian prisoners were marked or mutilated with ignominious cruelty, and a thousand female captives were forced away from the adjacent territory. ​ Among these a matron of the house of Abbas invoked, in an agony of despair, the name of Motassem; and the insults of the Greeks engaged the honor of her kinsman to avenge his indignity, and to answer her appeal. ​ Under the reign of the two elder brothers, the inheritance of the youngest had been confined to Anatolia, Armenia, Georgia, and Circassia; this frontier station had exercised his military talents; and among his accidental claims to the name of Octonary, ^91 the most meritorious are the eight battles which he gained or fought against the enemies of the Koran. ​ In this personal quarrel, the troops of Irak, Syria, and Egypt, were recruited from the tribes of Arabia and the Turkish hordes; his cavalry might be numerous, though we should deduct some myriads from the hundred and thirty thousand horses of the royal stables; and the expense of the armament was computed at four millions sterling, or one hundred thousand pounds of gold.  From Tarsus, the place of assembly, the Saracens advanced in three divisions along the high road of Constantinople:​ Motassem himself commanded the centre, and the vanguard was given to his son Abbas, who, in the trial of the first adventures, might succeed with the more glory, or fail with the least reproach. ​ In the revenge of his injury, the caliph prepared to retaliate a similar affront. ​ The father of Theophilus was a native of Amorium ^92 in Phrygia: the original seat of the Imperial house had been adorned with privileges and monuments; and, whatever might be the indifference of the people, Constantinople itself was scarcely of more value in the eyes of the sovereign and his court. ​ The name of Amorium was inscribed on the shields of the Saracens; and their three armies were again united under the walls of the devoted city.  It had been proposed by the wisest counsellors,​ to evacuate Amorium, to remove the inhabitants,​ and to abandon the empty structures to the vain resentment of the Barbarians. ​ The emperor embraced the more generous resolution of defending, in a siege and battle, the country of his ancestors. ​ When the armies drew near, the front of the Mahometan line appeared to a Roman eye more closely planted with spears and javelins; but the event of the action was not glorious on either side to the national troops. ​ The Arabs were broken, but it was by the swords of thirty thousand Persians, who had obtained service and settlement in the Byzantine empire. ​ The Greeks were repulsed and vanquished, but it was by the arrows of the Turkish cavalry; and had not their bowstrings been damped and relaxed by the evening rain, very few of the Christians could have escaped with the emperor from the field of battle. ​ They breathed at Dorylaeum, at the distance of three days; and Theophilus, reviewing his trembling squadrons, forgave the common flight both of the prince and people. ​ After this discovery of his weakness, he vainly hoped to deprecate the fate of Amorium: the inexorable caliph rejected with contempt his prayers and promises; and detained the Roman ambassadors to be the witnesses of his great revenge. ​ They had nearly been the witnesses of his shame. ​ The vigorous assaults of fifty- five days were encountered by a faithful governor, a veteran garrison, and a desperate people; and the Saracens must have raised the siege, if a domestic traitor had not pointed to the weakest part of the wall, a place which was decorated with the statues of a lion and a bull.  The vow of Motassem was accomplished with unrelenting rigor: tired, rather than satiated, with destruction,​ he returned to his new palace of Samara, in the neighborhood of Bagdad, while the unfortunate ^93 Theophilus implored the tardy and doubtful aid of his Western rival the emperor of the Franks. Yet in the siege of Amorium about seventy thousand Moslems had perished: their loss had been revenged by the slaughter of thirty thousand Christians, and the sufferings of an equal number of captives, who were treated as the most atrocious criminals. Mutual necessity could sometimes extort the exchange or ransom of prisoners: ^94 but in the national and religious conflict of the two empires, peace was without confidence, and war without mercy. Quarter was seldom given in the field; those who escaped the edge of the sword were condemned to hopeless servitude, or exquisite torture; and a Catholic emperor relates, with visible satisfaction,​ the execution of the Saracens of Crete, who were flayed alive, or plunged into caldrons of boiling oil. ^95 To a point of honor Motassem had sacrificed a flourishing city, two hundred thousand lives, and the property of millions. ​ The same caliph descended from his horse, and dirtied his robe, to relieve the distress of a decrepit old man, who, with his laden ass, had tumbled into a ditch. ​ On which of these actions did he reflect with the most pleasure, when he was summoned by the angel of death? ^96
 +
 +[Footnote 91: The same number was applied to the following circumstance in the life of Motassem: he was the eight of the Abbassides; he reigned eight years, eight months, and eight days; left eight sons, eight daughters, eight thousand slaves, eight millions of gold.]
 +
 +[Footnote 92: Amorium is seldom mentioned by the old geographers,​ and to tally forgotten in the Roman Itineraries. ​ After the vith century, it became an episcopal see, and at length the metropolis of the new Galatia, (Carol. Scto. Paulo, Geograph. Sacra, p. 234.) The city rose again from its ruins, if we should read Ammeria, not Anguria, in the text of the Nubian geographer. (p. 236.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 93: In the East he was styled, (Continuator Theophan. l. iii. p. 84;) but such was the ignorance of the West, that his ambassadors,​ in public discourse, might boldly narrate, de victoriis, quas adversus exteras bellando gentes coelitus fuerat assecutus, (Annalist. Bertinian. apud Pagi, tom. iii. p. 720.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 94: Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 167, 168) relates one of these singular transactions on the bridge of the River Lamus in Cilicia, the limit of the two empires, and one day's journey westward of Tarsus, (D'​Anville,​ Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 91.) Four thousand four hundred and sixty Moslems, eight hundred women and children, one hundred confederates,​ were exchanged for an equal number of Greeks. ​ They passed each other in the middle of the bridge, and when they reached their respective friends, they shouted Allah Acbar, and Kyrie Eleison. ​ Many of the prisoners of Amorium were probably among them, but in the same year, (A. H. 231,) the most illustrious of them, the forty two martyrs, were beheaded by the caliph'​s order.] [Footnote 95: Constantin. Porphyrogenitus,​ in Vit. Basil. c. 61, p. 186. These Saracens were indeed treated with peculiar severity as pirates and renegadoes.]
 +
 +[Footnote 96: For Theophilus, Motassem, and the Amorian war, see the Continuator of Theophanes, (l. iii. p. 77 - 84,) Genesius (l. iii. p. 24 - 34.) Cedrenus, (p. 528 - 532,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen, p. 180,) Abulpharagius,​ (Dynast. p. 165, 166,) Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 191,) D'​Herbelot,​ (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 639, 640.)]
 +
 +With Motassem, the eighth of the Abbassides, the glory of his family and nation expired. ​ When the Arabian conquerors had spread themselves over the East, and were mingled with the servile crowds of Persia, Syria, and Egypt, they insensibly lost the freeborn and martial virtues of the desert. The courage of the South is the artificial fruit of discipline and prejudice; the active power of enthusiasm had decayed, and the mercenary forces of the caliphs were recruited in those climates of the North, of which valor is the hardy and spontaneous production. Of the Turks ^97 who dwelt beyond the Oxus and Jaxartes, the robust youths, either taken in war or purchased in trade, were educated in the exercises of the field, and the profession of the Mahometan faith. ​ The Turkish guards stood in arms round the throne of their benefactor, and their chiefs usurped the dominion of the palace and the provinces. ​ Motassem, the first author of this dangerous example, introduced into the capital above fifty thousand Turks: their licentious conduct provoked the public indignation,​ and the quarrels of the soldiers and people induced the caliph to retire from Bagdad, and establish his own residence and the camp of his Barbarian favorites at Samara on the Tigris, about twelve leagues above the city of Peace. ^98 His son Motawakkel was a jealous and cruel tyrant: odious to his subjects, he cast himself on the fidelity of the strangers, and these strangers, ambitious and apprehensive,​ were tempted by the rich promise of a revolution. ​ At the instigation,​ or at least in the cause of his son, they burst into his apartment at the hour of supper, and the caliph was cut into seven pieces by the same swords which he had recently distributed among the guards of his life and throne. ​ To this throne, yet streaming with a father'​s blood, Montasser was triumphantly led; but in a reign of six months, he found only the pangs of a guilty conscience. ​ If he wept at the sight of an old tapestry which represented the crime and punishment of the son of Chosroes, if his days were abridged by grief and remorse, we may allow some pity to a parricide, who exclaimed, in the bitterness of death, that he had lost both this world and the world to come.  After this act of treason, the ensigns of royalty, the garment and walking-staff of Mahomet, were given and torn away by the foreign mercenaries,​ who in four years created, deposed, and murdered, three commanders of the faithful. ​ As often as the Turks were inflamed by fear, or rage, or avarice, these caliphs were dragged by the feet, exposed naked to the scorching sun, beaten with iron clubs, and compelled to purchase, by the abdication of their dignity, a short reprieve of inevitable fate. ^99 At length, however, the fury of the tempest was spent or diverted: the Abbassides returned to the less turbulent residence of Bagdad; the insolence of the Turks was curbed with a firmer and more skilful hand, and their numbers were divided and destroyed in foreign warfare. ​ But the nations of the East had been taught to trample on the successors of the prophet; and the blessings of domestic peace were obtained by the relaxation of strength and discipline. ​ So uniform are the mischiefs of military despotism, that I seem to repeat the story of the praetorians of Rome. ^100
 +
 +[Footnote 97: M. de Guignes, who sometimes leaps, and sometimes stumbles, in the gulf between Chinese and Mahometan story, thinks he can see, that these Turks are the Hoei-ke, alias the Kao-tche, or high-wagons;​ that they were divided into fifteen hordes, from China and Siberia to the dominions of the caliphs and Samanides, &c., (Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 1 - 33, 124 - 131.)] [Footnote 98: He changed the old name of Sumera, or Samara, into the fanciful title of Sermen-rai, that which gives pleasure at first sight, (D'​Herbelot,​ Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 808. D'​Anville,​ l'​Euphrate et le Tigre p. 97, 98.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 99: Take a specimen, the death of the caliph Motaz: Correptum pedibus pertrahunt, et sudibus probe permulcant, et spoliatum laceris vestibus in sole collocant, prae cujus acerrimo aestu pedes alternos attollebat et demittebat. ​ Adstantium aliquis misero colaphos continuo ingerebat, quos ille objectis manibus avertere studebat ..... Quo facto traditus tortori fuit, totoque triduo cibo potuque prohibitus ..... Suffocatus, &c. (Abulfeda, p. 206.) Of the caliph Mohtadi, he says, services ipsi perpetuis ictibus contundebant,​ testiculosque pedibus conculcabant,​ (p. 208.)] [Footnote 100: See under the reigns of Motassem, Motawakkel, Montasser, Mostain, Motaz, Mohtadi, and Motamed, in the Bibliotheque of D'​Herbelot,​ and the now familiar Annals of Elmacin, Abulpharagius,​ and Abulfeda.] While the flame of enthusiasm was damped by the business, the pleasure, and the knowledge, of the age, it burnt with concentrated heat in the breasts of the chosen few, the congenial spirits, who were ambitious of reigning either in this world or in the next.  How carefully soever the book of prophecy had been sealed by the apostle of Mecca, the wishes, and (if we may profane the word) even the reason, of fanaticism might believe that, after the successive missions of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Mahomet, the same God, in the fulness of time, would reveal a still more perfect and permanent law.  In the two hundred and seventy-seventh year of the Hegira, and in the neighborhood of Cufa, an Arabian preacher, of the name of Carmath, assumed the lofty and incomprehensible style of the Guide, the Director, the Demonstration,​ the Word, the Holy Ghost, the Camel, the Herald of the Messiah, who had conversed with him in a human shape, and the representative of Mohammed the son of Ali, of St. John the Baptist, and of the angel Gabriel. In his mystic volume, the precepts of the Koran were refined to a more spiritual sense: he relaxed the duties of ablution, fasting, and pilgrimage; allowed the indiscriminate use of wine and forbidden food; and nourished the fervor of his disciples by the daily repetition of fifty prayers. ​ The idleness and ferment of the rustic crowd awakened the attention of the magistrates of Cufa; a timid persecution assisted the progress of the new sect; and the name of the prophet became more revered after his person had been withdrawn from the world. ​ His twelve apostles dispersed themselves among the Bedoweens, "a race of men," says Abulfeda, "​equally devoid of reason and of religion;"​ and the success of their preaching seemed to threaten Arabia with a new revolution. The Carmathians were ripe for rebellion, since they disclaimed the title of the house of Abbas, and abhorred the worldly pomp of the caliphs of Bagdad. They were susceptible of discipline, since they vowed a blind and absolute submission to their Imam, who was called to the prophetic office by the voice of God and the people. ​ Instead of the legal tithes, he claimed the fifth of their substance and spoil; the most flagitious sins were no more than the type of disobedience;​ and the brethren were united and concealed by an oath of secrecy. ​ After a bloody conflict, they prevailed in the province of Bahrein, along the Persian Gulf: far and wide, the tribes of the desert were subject to the sceptre, or rather to the sword of Abu Said and his son Abu Taher; and these rebellious imams could muster in the field a hundred and seven thousand fanatics. ​ The mercenaries of the caliph were dismayed at the approach of an enemy who neither asked nor accepted quarter; and the difference between, them in fortitude and patience, is expressive of the change which three centuries of prosperity had effected in the character of the Arabians. Such troops were discomfited in every action; the cities of Racca and Baalbec, of Cufa and Bassora, were taken and pillaged; Bagdad was filled with consternation;​ and the caliph trembled behind the veils of his palace. ​ In a daring inroad beyond the Tigris, Abu Taher advanced to the gates of the capital with no more than five hundred horse. ​ By the special order of Moctader, the bridges had been broken down, and the person or head of the rebel was expected every hour by the commander of the faithful. ​ His lieutenant, from a motive of fear or pity, apprised Abu Taher of his danger, and recommended a speedy escape. ​ "Your master,"​ said the intrepid Carmathian to the messenger, "is at the head of thirty thousand soldiers: three such men as these are wanting in his host: " at the same instant, turning to three of his companions, he commanded the first to plunge a dagger into his breast, the second to leap into the Tigris, and the third to cast himself headlong down a precipice. ​ They obeyed without a murmur. "​Relate,"​ continued the imam, "what you have seen: before the evening your general shall be chained among my dogs." Before the evening, the camp was surprised, and the menace was executed. The rapine of the Carmathians was sanctified by their aversion to the worship of Mecca: they robbed a caravan of pilgrims, and twenty thousand devout Moslems were abandoned on the burning sands to a death of hunger and thirst. ​ Another year they suffered the pilgrims to proceed without interruption;​ but, in the festival of devotion, Abu Taher stormed the holy city, and trampled on the most venerable relics of the Mahometan faith. Thirty thousand citizens and strangers were put to the sword; the sacred precincts were polluted by the burial of three thousand dead bodies; the well of Zemzem overflowed with blood; the golden spout was forced from its place; the veil of the Caaba was divided among these impious sectaries; and the black stone, the first monument of the nation, was borne away in triumph to their capital. After this deed of sacrilege and cruelty, they continued to infest the confines of Irak, Syria, and Egypt: but the vital principle of enthusiasm had withered at the root.  Their scruples, or their avarice, again opened the pilgrimage of Mecca, and restored the black stone of the Caaba; and it is needless to inquire into what factions they were broken, or by whose swords they were finally extirpated. ​ The sect of the Carmathians may be considered as the second visible cause of the decline and fall of the empire of the caliphs. ^101
 +
 +[Footnote 101: For the sect of the Carmathians,​ consult Elmacin, (Hist. Sara cen, p. 219, 224, 229, 231, 238, 241, 243,) Abulpharagius,​ (Dynast. p. 179 - 182,) Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 218, 219, &c., 245, 265, 274.) and D'​Herbelot,​ (Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 256 - 258, 635.) I find some inconsistencies of theology and chronology, which it would not be easy nor of much importance to reconcile.
 +
 +Note: Compare Von Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 44, &c. - M.]
 +
 +====== Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs. ======
 +
 +===== Part V. =====
 +
 +The third and most obvious cause was the weight and magnitude of the empire itself. ​ The caliph Almamon might proudly assert, that it was easier for him to rule the East and the West, than to manage a chess-board of two feet square: ^102 yet I suspect that in both those games he was guilty of many fatal mistakes; and I perceive, that in the distant provinces the authority of the first and most powerful of the Abbassides was already impaired. ​ The analogy of despotism invests the representative with the full majesty of the prince; the division and balance of powers might relax the habits of obedience, might encourage the passive subject to inquire into the origin and administration of civil government. ​ He who is born in the purple is seldom worthy to reign; but the elevation of a private man, of a peasant, perhaps, or a slave, affords a strong presumption of his courage and capacity. ​ The viceroy of a remote kingdom aspires to secure the property and inheritance of his precarious trust; the nations must rejoice in the presence of their sovereign; and the command of armies and treasures are at once the object and the instrument of his ambition. ​ A change was scarcely visible as long as the lieutenants of the caliph were content with their vicarious title; while they solicited for themselves or their sons a renewal of the Imperial grant, and still maintained on the coin and in the public prayers the name and prerogative of the commander of the faithful. ​ But in the long and hereditary exercise of power, they assumed the pride and attributes of royalty; the alternative of peace or war, of reward or punishment, depended solely on their will; and the revenues of their government were reserved for local services or private magnificence. ​ Instead of a regular supply of men and money, the successors of the prophet were flattered with the ostentatious gift of an elephant, or a cast of hawks, a suit of silk hangings, or some pounds of musk and amber. ^103
 +
 +[Footnote 102: Hyde, Syntagma Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 57, in Hist. Shahiludii.] [Footnote 103: The dynasties of the Arabian empire may be studied in the Annals of Elmacin, Abulpharagius,​ and Abulfeda, under the proper years, in the dictionary of D'​Herbelot,​ under the proper names. ​ The tables of M. de Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. i.) exhibit a general chronology of the East, interspersed with some historical anecdotes; but his attachment to national blood has sometimes confounded the order of time and place.] After the revolt of Spain from the temporal and spiritual supremacy of the Abbassides, the first symptoms of disobedience broke forth in the province of Africa. ​ Ibrahim, the son of Aglab, the lieutenant of the vigilant and rigid Harun, bequeathed to the dynasty of the Aglabites the inheritance of his name and power. ​ The indolence or policy of the caliphs dissembled the injury and loss, and pursued only with poison the founder of the Edrisites, ^104 who erected the kingdom and city of Fez on the shores of the Western ocean. ^105 In the East, the first dynasty was that of the Taherites; ^106 the posterity of the valiant Taher, who, in the civil wars of the sons of Harun, had served with too much zeal and success the cause of Almamon, the younger brother. ​ He was sent into honorable exile, to command on the banks of the Oxus; and the independence of his successors, who reigned in Chorasan till the fourth generation, was palliated by their modest and respectful demeanor, the happiness of their subjects and the security of their frontier. ​ They were supplanted by one of those adventures so frequent in the annals of the East, who left his trade of a brazier (from whence the name of Soffarides) for the profession of a robber. ​ In a nocturnal visit to the treasure of the prince of Sistan, Jacob, the son of Leith, stumbled over a lump of salt, which he unwarily tasted with his tongue. ​ Salt, among the Orientals, is the symbol of hospitality,​ and the pious robber immediately retired without spoil or damage. The discovery of this honorable behavior recommended Jacob to pardon and trust; he led an army at first for his benefactor, at last for himself, subdued Persia, and threatened the residence of the Abbassides. On his march towards Bagdad, the conqueror was arrested by a fever. ​ He gave audience in bed to the ambassador of the caliph; and beside him on a table were exposed a naked cimeter, a crust of brown bread, and a bunch of onions. ​ "If I die," said he, "your master is delivered from his fears. ​ If I live, this must determine between us.  If I am vanquished, I can return without reluctance to the homely fare of my youth."​ From the height where he stood, the descent would not have been so soft or harmless: a timely death secured his own repose and that of the caliph, who paid with the most lavish concessions the retreat of his brother Amrou to the palaces of Shiraz and Ispahan. ​ The Abbassides were too feeble to contend, too proud to forgive: they invited the powerful dynasty of the Samanides, who passed the Oxus with ten thousand horse so poor, that their stirrups were of wood: so brave, that they vanquished the Soffarian army, eight times more numerous than their own. The captive Amrou was sent in chains, a grateful offering to the court of Bagdad; and as the victor was content with the inheritance of Transoxiana and Chorasan, the realms of Persia returned for a while to the allegiance of the caliphs. ​ The provinces of Syria and Egypt were twice dismembered by their Turkish slaves of the race of Toulon and Ilkshid. ^107 These Barbarians, in religion and manners the countrymen of Mahomet, emerged from the bloody factions of the palace to a provincial command and an independent throne: their names became famous and formidable in their time; but the founders of these two potent dynasties confessed, either in words or actions, the vanity of ambition. ​ The first on his death-bed implored the mercy of God to a sinner, ignorant of the limits of his own power: the second, in the midst of four hundred thousand soldiers and eight thousand slaves, concealed from every human eye the chamber where he attempted to sleep. ​ Their sons were educated in the vices of kings; and both Egypt and Syria were recovered and possessed by the Abbassides during an interval of thirty years. ​ In the decline of their empire, Mesopotamia,​ with the important cities of Mosul and Aleppo, was occupied by the Arabian princes of the tribe of Hamadan. ​ The poets of their court could repeat without a blush, that nature had formed their countenances for beauty, their tongues for eloquence, and their hands for liberality and valor: but the genuine tale of the elevation and reign of the Hamadanites exhibits a scene of treachery, murder, and parricide. At the same fatal period, the Persian kingdom was again usurped by the dynasty of the Bowides, by the sword of three brothers, who, under various names, were styled the support and columns of the state, and who, from the Caspian Sea to the ocean, would suffer no tyrants but themselves. ​ Under their reign, the language and genius of Persia revived, and the Arabs, three hundred and four years after the death of Mahomet, were deprived of the sceptre of the East.
 +
 +[Footnote 104: The Aglabites and Edrisites are the professed subject of M. de Cardonne, (Hist. de l'​Afrique et de l'​Espagne sous la Domination des Arabes, tom. ii. p. 1 - 63.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 105: To escape the reproach of error, I must criticize the inaccuracies of M. de Guignes (tom. i. p. 359) concerning the Edrisites. 1. The dynasty and city of Fez could not be founded in the year of the Hegira 173, since the founder was a posthumous child of a descendant of Ali, who fled from Mecca in the year 168.  2. This founder, Edris, the son of Edris, instead of living to the improbable age of 120 years, A. H. 313, died A. H. 214, in the prime of manhood. ​ 3. The dynasty ended A. H. 307, twenty-three years sooner than it is fixed by the historian of the Huns. See the accurate Annals of Abulfeda p. 158, 159, 185, 238.]
 +
 +[Footnote 106: The dynasties of the Taherites and Soffarides, with the rise of that of the Samanines, are described in the original history and Latin version of Mirchond: yet the most interesting facts had already been drained by the diligence of M. D'​Herbelot.]
 +
 +[Footnote 107: M. de Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 124 - 154) has exhausted the Toulunides and Ikshidites of Egypt, and thrown some light on the Carmathians and Hamadanites.]
 +
 +Rahadi, the twentieth of the Abbassides, and the thirty-ninth of the successors of Mahomet, was the last who deserved the title of commander of the faithful; ^108 the last (says Abulfeda) who spoke to the people, or conversed with the learned; the last who, in the expense of his household, represented the wealth and magnificence of the ancient caliphs. After him, the lords of the Eastern world were reduced to the most abject misery, and exposed to the blows and insults of a servile condition. ​ The revolt of the provinces circumscribed their dominions within the walls of Bagdad: but that capital still contained an innumerable multitude, vain of their past fortune, discontented with their present state, and oppressed by the demands of a treasury which had formerly been replenished by the spoil and tribute of nations. ​ Their idleness was exercised by faction and controversy. ​ Under the mask of piety, the rigid followers of Hanbal ^109 invaded the pleasures of domestic life, burst into the houses of plebeians and princes, the wine, broke the instruments,​ beat the musicians, and dishonored, with infamous suspicions, the associates of every handsome youth. ​ In each profession, which allowed room for two persons, the one was a votary, the other an antagonist, of Ali; and the Abbassides were awakened by the clamorous grief of the sectaries, who denied their title, and cursed their progenitors. ​ A turbulent people could only be repressed by a military force; but who could satisfy the avarice or assert the discipline of the mercenaries themselves? ​ The African and the Turkish guards drew their swords against each other, and the chief commanders, the emirs al Omra, ^110 imprisoned or deposed their sovereigns, and violated the sanctuary of the mosch and harem. ​ If the caliphs escaped to the camp or court of any neighboring prince, their deliverance was a change of servitude, till they were prompted by despair to invite the Bowides, the sultans of Persia, who silenced the factions of Bagdad by their irresistible arms.  The civil and military powers were assumed by Moezaldowlat,​ the second of the three brothers, and a stipend of sixty thousand pounds sterling was assigned by his generosity for the private expense of the commander of the faithful. But on the fortieth day, at the audience of the ambassadors of Chorasan, and in the presence of a trembling multitude, the caliph was dragged from his throne to a dungeon, by the command of the stranger, and the rude hands of his Dilamites. ​ His palace was pillaged, his eyes were put out, and the mean ambition of the Abbassides aspired to the vacant station of danger and disgrace. ​ In the school of adversity, the luxurious caliphs resumed the grave and abstemious virtues of the primitive times. ​ Despoiled of their armor and silken robes, they fasted, they prayed, they studied the Koran and the tradition of the Sonnites: they performed, with zeal and knowledge, the functions of their ecclesiastical character. ​ The respect of nations still waited on the successors of the apostle, the oracles of the law and conscience of the faithful; and the weakness or division of their tyrants sometimes restored the Abbassides to the sovereignty of Bagdad. ​ But their misfortunes had been imbittered by the triumph of the Fatimites, the real or spurious progeny of Ali.  Arising from the extremity of Africa, these successful rivals extinguished,​ in Egypt and Syria, both the spiritual and temporal authority of the Abbassides; and the monarch of the Nile insulted the humble pontiff on the banks of the Tigris.
 +
 +[Footnote 108: Hic est ultimus chalifah qui multum atque saepius pro concione peroraret .... Fuit etiam ultimus qui otium cum eruditis et facetis hominibus fallere hilariterque agere soleret. Ultimus tandem chalifarum cui sumtus, stipendia, reditus, et thesauri, culinae, caeteraque omnis aulica pompa priorum chalifarum ad instar comparata fuerint. Videbimus enim paullo post quam indignis et servilibius ludibriis exagitati, quam ad humilem fortunam altimumque contemptum abjecti fuerint hi quondam potentissimi totius terrarum Orientalium orbis domini. ​ Abulfed. Annal. Moslem. p. 261.  I have given this passage as the manner and tone of Abulfeda, but the cast of Latin eloquence belongs more properly to Reiske. The Arabian historian (p. 255, 257, 261 - 269, 283, &c.) has supplied me with the most interesting facts of this paragraph.]
 +
 +[Footnote 109: Their master, on a similar occasion, showed himself of a more indulgent and tolerating spirit. ​ Ahmed Ebn Hanbal, the head of one of the four orthodox sects, was born at Bagdad A. H. 164, and died there A. H. 241. He fought and suffered in the dispute concerning the creation of the Koran.] [Footnote 110: The office of vizier was superseded by the emir al Omra, Imperator Imperatorum,​ a title first instituted by Radhi, and which merged at length in the Bowides and Seljukides: vectigalibus,​ et tributis, et curiis per omnes regiones praefecit, jussitque in omnibus suggestis nominis ejus in concionibus mentionem fieri, (Abulpharagius,​ Dynart. p 199.) It is likewise mentioned by Elmacin, (p. 254, 255.)]
 +
 +In the declining age of the caliphs, in the century which elapsed after the war of Theophilus and Motassem, the hostile transactions of the two nations were confined to some inroads by sea and land, the fruits of their close vicinity and indelible hatred. ​ But when the Eastern world was convulsed and broken, the Greeks were roused from their lethargy by the hopes of conquest and revenge. ​ The Byzantine empire, since the accession of the Basilian race, had reposed in peace and dignity; and they might encounter with their entire strength the front of some petty emir, whose rear was assaulted and threatened by his national foes of the Mahometan faith. ​ The lofty titles of the morning star, and the death of the Saracens, ^111 were applied in the public acclamations to Nicephorus Phocas, a prince as renowned in the camp, as he was unpopular in the city. In the subordinate station of great domestic, or general of the East, he reduced the Island of Crete, and extirpated the nest of pirates who had so long defied, with impunity, the majesty of the empire. ^112 His military genius was displayed in the conduct and success of the enterprise, which had so often failed with loss and dishonor. The Saracens were confounded by the landing of his troops on safe and level bridges, which he cast from the vessels to the shore. Seven months were consumed in the siege of Candia; the despair of the native Cretans was stimulated by the frequent aid of their brethren of Africa and Spain; and after the massy wall and double ditch had been stormed by the Greeks a hopeless conflict was still maintained in the streets and houses of the city. ^* The whole island was subdued in the capital, and a submissive people accepted, without resistance, the baptism of the conqueror. ^113 Constantinople applauded the long-forgotten pomp of a triumph; but the Imperial diadem was the sole reward that could repay the services, or satisfy the ambition, of Nicephorus. [Footnote 111: Liutprand, whose choleric temper was imbittered by his uneasy situation, suggests the names of reproach and contempt more applicable to Nicephorus than the vain titles of the Greeks, Ecce venit stella matutina, surgit Eous, reverberat obtutu solis radios, pallida Saracenorum mors, Nicephorus.]
 +
 +[Footnote 112: Notwithstanding the insinuation of Zonaras, &c., (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 197,) it is an undoubted fact, that Crete was completely and finally subdued by Nicephorus Phocas, (Pagi, Critica, tom. iii. p. 873 - 875. Meursius, Creta, l. iii. c. 7, tom. iii. p. 464, 465.)]
 +
 +[Footnote *: The Acroases of Theodorus, de expugnatione Cretae, miserable iambics, relate the whole campaign. ​ Whoever would fairly estimate the merit of the poetic deacon, may read the description of the slinging a jackass into the famishing city. The poet is in a transport at the wit of the general, and revels in the luxury of antithesis. ​ Theodori Acroases, lib. iii. 172, in Niebuhr'​s Byzant. Hist. - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote 113: A Greek Life of St. Nicon the Armenian was found in the Sforza library, and translated into Latin by the Jesuit Sirmond, for the use of Cardinal Baronius. ​ This contemporary legend casts a ray of light on Crete and Peloponnesus in the 10th century. ​ He found the newly-recovered island, foedis detestandae Agarenorum superstitionis vestigiis adhuc plenam ac refertam .... but the victorious missionary, perhaps with some carnal aid, ad baptismum omnes veraeque fidei disciplinam pepulit. ​ Ecclesiis per totam insulam aedificatis,​ &c., (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 961.)]
 +
 +After the death of the younger Romanus, the fourth in lineal descent of the Basilian race, his widow Theophania successively married Nicephorus Phocas and his assassin John Zimisces, the two heroes of the age.  They reigned as the guardians and colleagues of her infant sons; and the twelve years of their military command form the most splendid period of the Byzantine annals. The subjects and confederates,​ whom they led to war, appeared, at least in the eyes of an enemy, two hundred thousand strong; and of these about thirty thousand were armed with cuirasses: ^114 a train of four thousand mules attended their march; and their evening camp was regularly fortified with an enclosure of iron spikes. ​ A series of bloody and undecisive combats is nothing more than an anticipation of what would have been effected in a few years by the course of nature; but I shall briefly prosecute the conquests of the two emperors from the hills of Cappadocia to the desert of Bagdad. ​ The sieges of Mopsuestia and Tarsus, in Cilicia, first exercised the skill and perseverance of their troops, on whom, at this moment, I shall not hesitate to bestow the name of Romans. In the double city of Mopsuestia, which is divided by the River Sarus, two hundred thousand Moslems were predestined to death or slavery, ^115 a surprising degree of population, which must at least include the inhabitants of the dependent districts. ​ They were surrounded and taken by assault; but Tarsus was reduced by the slow progress of famine; and no sooner had the Saracens yielded on honorable terms than they were mortified by the distant and unprofitable view of the naval succors of Egypt. ​ They were dismissed with a safe-conduct to the confines of Syria: a part of the old Christians had quietly lived under their dominion; and the vacant habitations were replenished by a new colony. ​ But the mosch was converted into a stable; the pulpit was delivered to the flames; many rich crosses of gold and gems, the spoils of Asiatic churches, were made a grateful offering to the piety or avarice of the emperor; and he transported the gates of Mopsuestia and Tarsus, which were fixed in the walls of Constantinople,​ an eternal monument of his victory. ​ After they had forced and secured the narrow passes of Mount Amanus, the two Roman princes repeatedly carried their arms into the heart of Syria. Yet, instead of assaulting the walls of Antioch, the humanity or superstition of Nicephorus appeared to respect the ancient metropolis of the East: he contented himself with drawing round the city a line of circumvallation;​ left a stationary army; and instructed his lieutenant to expect, without impatience, the return of spring. ​ But in the depth of winter, in a dark and rainy night, an adventurous subaltern, with three hundred soldiers, approached the rampart, applied his scaling-ladders,​ occupied two adjacent towers, stood firm against the pressure of multitudes, and bravely maintained his post till he was relieved by the tardy, though effectual, support of his reluctant chief. ​ The first tumult of slaughter and rapine subsided; the reign of Caesar and of Christ was restored; and the efforts of a hundred thousand Saracens, of the armies of Syria and the fleets of Africa, were consumed without effect before the walls of Antioch. ​ The royal city of Aleppo was subject to Seifeddowlat,​ of the dynasty of Hamadan, who clouded his past glory by the precipitate retreat which abandoned his kingdom and capital to the Roman invaders. ​ In his stately palace, that stood without the walls of Aleppo, they joyfully seized a well-furnished magazine of arms, a stable of fourteen hundred mules, and three hundred bags of silver and gold.  But the walls of the city withstood the strokes of their battering-rams:​ and the besiegers pitched their tents on the neighboring mountain of Jaushan. ​ Their retreat exasperated the quarrel of the townsmen and mercenaries;​ the guard of the gates and ramparts was deserted; and while they furiously charged each other in the market-place,​ they were surprised and destroyed by the sword of a common enemy. ​ The male sex was exterminated by the sword; ten thousand youths were led into captivity; the weight of the precious spoil exceeded the strength and number of the beasts of burden; the superfluous remainder was burnt; and, after a licentious possession of ten days, the Romans marched away from the naked and bleeding city.  In their Syrian inroads they commanded the husbandmen to cultivate their lands, that they themselves, in the ensuing season, might reap the benefit; more than a hundred cities were reduced to obedience; and eighteen pulpits of the principal moschs were committed to the flames to expiate the sacrilege of the disciples of Mahomet. ​ The classic names of Hierapolis, Apamea, and Emesa, revive for a moment in the list of conquest: the emperor Zimisces encamped in the paradise of Damascus, and accepted the ransom of a submissive people; and the torrent was only stopped by the impregnable fortress of Tripoli, on the sea-coast of Phoenicia. ​ Since the days of Heraclius, the Euphrates, below the passage of Mount Taurus, had been impervious, and almost invisible, to the Greeks. The river yielded a free passage to the victorious Zimisces; and the historian may imitate the speed with which he overran the once famous cities of Samosata, Edessa, Martyropolis,​ Amida, ^116 and Nisibis, the ancient limit of the empire in the neighborhood of the Tigris. ​ His ardor was quickened by the desire of grasping the virgin treasures of Ecbatana, ^117 a well-known name, under which the Byzantine writer has concealed the capital of the Abbassides. ​ The consternation of the fugitives had already diffused the terror of his name; but the fancied riches of Bagdad had already been dissipated by the avarice and prodigality of domestic tyrants. ​ The prayers of the people, and the stern demands of the lieutenant of the Bowides, required the caliph to provide for the defence of the city.  The helpless Mothi replied, that his arms, his revenues, and his provinces, had been torn from his hands, and that he was ready to abdicate a dignity which he was unable to support. ​ The emir was inexorable; the furniture of the palace was sold; and the paltry price of forty thousand pieces of gold was instantly consumed in private luxury. But the apprehensions of Bagdad were relieved by the retreat of the Greeks: thirst and hunger guarded the desert of Mesopotamia;​ and the emperor, satiated with glory, and laden with Oriental spoils, returned to Constantinople,​ and displayed, in his triumph, the silk, the aromatics, and three hundred myriads of gold and silver. ​ Yet the powers of the East had been bent, not broken, by this transient hurricane. ​ After the departure of the Greeks, the fugitive princes returned to their capitals; the subjects disclaimed their involuntary oaths of allegiance; the Moslems again purified their temples, and overturned the idols of the saints and martyrs; the Nestorians and Jacobites preferred a Saracen to an orthodox master; and the numbers and spirit of the Melchites were inadequate to the support of the church and state. Of these extensive conquests, Antioch, with the cities of Cilicia and the Isle of Cyprus, was alone restored, a permanent and useful accession to the Roman empire. ^118 [Footnote 114: Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 278, 279.  Liutprand was disposed to depreciate the Greek power, yet he owns that Nicephorus led against Assyria an army of eighty thousand men.]
 +
 +[Footnote 115: Ducenta fere millia hominum numerabat urbs (Abulfeda, Annal. Moslem. p. 231) of Mopsuestia, or Masifa, Mampsysta, Mansista, Mamista, as it is corruptly, or perhaps more correctly, styled in the middle ages, (Wesseling, Itinerar. p. 580.) Yet I cannot credit this extreme populousness a few years after the testimony of the emperor Leo, (Tactica, c. xviii. in Meursii Oper. tom. vi. p. 817.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 116: The text of Leo the deacon, in the corrupt names of Emeta and Myctarsim, reveals the cities of Amida and Martyropolis,​ (Mia farekin. See Abulfeda, Geograph. p. 245, vers. Reiske.) Of the former, Leo observes, urbus munita et illustris; of the latter, clara atque conspicua opibusque et pecore, reliquis ejus provinciis urbibus atque oppidis longe praestans.] [Footnote 117: Ut et Ecbatana pergeret Agarenorumque regiam everteret .... aiunt enim urbium quae usquam sunt ac toto orbe existunt felicissimam esse auroque ditissimam, (Leo Diacon. apud Pagium, tom. iv. p. 34.) This splendid description suits only with Bagdad, and cannot possibly apply either to Hamadan, the true Ecbatana, (D'​Anville,​ Geog. Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 237,) or Tauris, which has been commonly mistaken for that city.  The name of Ecbatana, in the same indefinite sense, is transferred by a more classic authority (Cicero pro Lego Manilia, c. 4) to the royal seat of Mithridates,​ king of Pontus.]
 +
 +[Footnote 118: See the Annals of Elmacin, Abulpharagius,​ and Abulfeda, from A. H. 351 to A. H. 361; and the reigns of Nicephorus Phocas and John Zimisces, in the Chronicles of Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 199 - l. xvii. 215) and Cedrenus, (Compend. p. 649 - 684.) Their manifold defects are partly supplied by the Ms. history of Leo the deacon, which Pagi obtained from the Benedictines,​ and has inserted almost entire, in a Latin version, (Critica, tom. iii. p. 873, tom. iv. 37.)
 +
 +Note: The whole original work of Leo the Deacon has been published by Hase, and is inserted in the new edition of the Byzantine historians. ​ M Lassen has added to the Arabian authorities of this period some extracts from Kemaleddin'​s account of the treaty for the surrender of Aleppo. - M.]
 +
 +====== Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire. ======
 +
 +===== Part I. =====
 +
 +Fate Of The Eastern Empire In The Tenth Century. - Extent And Division. - Wealth And Revenue. - Palace Of Constantinople. - Titles And Offices. - Pride And Power Of The Emperors. - Tactics Of The Greeks, Arabs, And Franks. - Loss Of The Latin Tongue. - Studies And Solitude Of The Greeks.
 +
 +
 +A ray of historic light seems to beam from the darkness of the tenth century. ​ We open with curiosity and respect the royal volumes of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,​ ^1 which he composed at a mature age for the instruction of his son, and which promise to unfold the state of the eastern empire, both in peace and war, both at home and abroad. ​ In the first of these works he minutely describes the pompous ceremonies of the church and palace of Constantinople,​ according to his own practice, and that of his predecessors. ^2 In the second, he attempts an accurate survey of the provinces, the themes, as they were then denominated,​ both of Europe and Asia. ^3 The system of Roman tactics, the discipline and order of the troops, and the military operations by land and sea, are explained in the third of these didactic collections,​ which may be ascribed to Constantine or his father Leo. ^4 In the fourth, of the administration of the empire, he reveals the secrets of the Byzantine policy, in friendly or hostile intercourse with the nations of the earth. ​ The literary labors of the age, the practical systems of law, agriculture,​ and history, might redound to the benefit of the subject and the honor of the Macedonian princes. ​ The sixty books of the Basilics, ^5 the code and pandects of civil jurisprudence,​ were gradually framed in the three first reigns of that prosperous dynasty. ​ The art of agriculture had amused the leisure, and exercised the pens, of the best and wisest of the ancients; and their chosen precepts are comprised in the twenty books of the Geoponics ^6 of Constantine. At his command, the historical examples of vice and virtue were methodized in fifty-three books, ^7 and every citizen might apply, to his contemporaries or himself, the lesson or the warning of past times. From the august character of a legislator, the sovereign of the East descends to the more humble office of a teacher and a scribe; and if his successors and subjects were regardless of his paternal cares, we may inherit and enjoy the everlasting legacy. [Footnote 1: The epithet of Porphyrogenitus,​ born in the purple, is elegantly defined by Claudian: -
 +
 +Ardua privatos nescit fortuna Penates; Et regnum cum luce dedit. ​ Cognata potestas Excepit Tyrio venerabile pignus in ostro.
 +
 +And Ducange, in his Greek and Latin Glossaries, produces many passages expressive of the same idea.]
 +
 +[Footnote 2: A splendid Ms. of Constantine,​ de Caeremoniis Aulae et Ecclesiae Byzantinae, wandered from Constantinople to Buda, Frankfort, and Leipsic, where it was published in a splendid edition by Leich and Reiske, (A.D. 1751, in folio,) with such lavish praise as editors never fail to bestow on the worthy or worthless object of their toil.]
 +
 +[Footnote 3: See, in the first volume of Banduri'​s Imperium Orientale, Constantinus de Thematibus, p. 1 - 24, de Administrando Imperio, p. 45 - 127, edit. Venet. ​ The text of the old edition of Meursius is corrected from a Ms. of the royal library of Paris, which Isaac Casaubon had formerly seen, (Epist. ad Polybium, p. 10,) and the sense is illustrated by two maps of William Deslisle, the prince of geographers till the appearance of the greater D'​Anville.]
 +
 +[Footnote 4: The Tactics of Leo and Constantine are published with the aid of some new Mss. in the great edition of the works of Meursius, by the learned John Lami, (tom. vi. p. 531 - 920, 1211 - 1417, Florent. 1745,) yet the text is still corrupt and mutilated, the version is still obscure and faulty. ​ The Imperial library of Vienna would afford some valuable materials to a new editor, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 369, 370.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 5: On the subject of the Basilics, Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. tom. xii. p. 425 - 514,) and Heineccius, (Hist. Juris Romani, p. 396 - 399,) and Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. i. p. 450 - 458,) as historical civilians, may be usefully consulted: xli. books of this Greek code have been published, with a Latin version, by Charles Annibal Frabrottus, (Paris, 1647,) in seven tomes in folio; iv. other books have been since discovered, and are inserted in Gerard Meerman'​s Novus Thesaurus Juris Civ. et Canon. tom. v.  Of the whole work, the sixty books, John Leunclavius has printed, (Basil, 1575,) an eclogue or synopsis. ​ The cxiii. novels, or new laws, of Leo, may be found in the Corpus Juris Civilis.]
 +
 +[Footnote 6: I have used the last and best edition of the Geoponics, (by Nicolas Niclas, Leipsic, 1781, 2 vols. in octavo.) I read in the preface, that the same emperor restored the long-forgotten systems of rhetoric and philosophy; and his two books of Hippiatrica,​ or Horse-physic,​ were published at Paris, 1530, in folio, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 493 - 500.)] [Footnote 7: Of these LIII. books, or titles, only two have been preserved and printed, de Legationibus (by Fulvius Ursinus, Antwerp, 1582, and Daniel Hoeschelius,​ August. Vindel. 1603) and de Virtutibus et Vitiis, (by Henry Valesius, or de Valois, Paris, 1634.)]
 +
 +A closer survey will indeed reduce the value of the gift, and the gratitude of posterity: in the possession of these Imperial treasures we may still deplore our poverty and ignorance; and the fading glories of their authors will be obliterated by indifference or contempt. ​ The Basilics will sink to a broken copy, a partial and mutilated version, in the Greek language, of the laws of Justinian; but the sense of the old civilians is often superseded by the influence of bigotry: and the absolute prohibition of divorce, concubinage,​ and interest for money, enslaves the freedom of trade and the happiness of private life.  In the historical book, a subject of Constantine might admire the inimitable virtues of Greece and Rome: he might learn to what a pitch of energy and elevation the human character had formerly aspired. ​ But a contrary effect must have been produced by a new edition of the lives of the saints, which the great logothete, or chancellor of the empire, was directed to prepare; and the dark fund of superstition was enriched by the fabulous and florid legends of Simon the Metaphrast. ^8 The merits and miracles of the whole calendar are of less account in the eyes of a sage, than the toil of a single husbandman, who multiplies the gifts of the Creator, and supplies the food of his brethren. ​ Yet the royal authors of the Geoponics were more seriously employed in expounding the precepts of the destroying art, which had been taught since the days of Xenophon, ^9 as the art of heroes and kings. ​ But the Tactics of Leo and Constantine are mingled with the baser alloy of the age in which they lived. It was destitute of original genius; they implicitly transcribe the rules and maxims which had been confirmed by victories. ​ It was unskilled in the propriety of style and method; they blindly confound the most distant and discordant institutions,​ the phalanx of Sparta and that of Macedon, the legions of Cato and Trajan, of Augustus and Theodosius. ​ Even the use, or at least the importance, of these military rudiments may be fairly questioned: their general theory is dictated by reason; but the merit, as well as difficulty, consists in the application. The discipline of a soldier is formed by exercise rather than by study: the talents of a commander are appropriated to those calm, though rapid, minds, which nature produces to decide the fate of armies and nations: the former is the habit of a life, the latter the glance of a moment; and the battles won by lessons of tactics may be numbered with the epic poems created from the rules of criticism. ​ The book of ceremonies is a recital, tedious yet imperfect, of the despicable pageantry which had infected the church and state since the gradual decay of the purity of the one and the power of the other. ​ A review of the themes or provinces might promise such authentic and useful information,​ as the curiosity of government only can obtain, instead of traditionary fables on the origin of the cities, and malicious epigrams on the vices of their inhabitants. ^10 Such information the historian would have been pleased to record; nor should his silence be condemned if the most interesting objects, the population of the capital and provinces, the amount of the taxes and revenues, the numbers of subjects and strangers who served under the Imperial standard, have been unnoticed by Leo the philosopher,​ and his son Constantine. ​ His treatise of the public administration is stained with the same blemishes; yet it is discriminated by peculiar merit; the antiquities of the nations may be doubtful or fabulous; but the geography and manners of the Barbaric world are delineated with curious accuracy. ​ Of these nations, the Franks alone were qualified to observe in their turn, and to describe, the metropolis of the East.  The ambassador of the great Otho, a bishop of Cremona, has painted the state of Constantinople about the middle of the tenth century: his style is glowing, his narrative lively, his observation keen; and even the prejudices and passions of Liutprand are stamped with an original character of freedom and genius. ^11 From this scanty fund of foreign and domestic materials, I shall investigate the form and substance of the Byzantine empire; the provinces and wealth, the civil government and military force, the character and literature, of the Greeks in a period of six hundred years, from the reign of Heraclius to his successful invasion of the Franks or Latins.
 +
 +[Footnote 8: The life and writings of Simon Metaphrastes are described by Hankius, (de Scriptoribus Byzant. p. 418 - 460.) This biographer of the saints indulged himself in a loose paraphrase of the sense or nonsense of more ancient acts.  His Greek rhetoric is again paraphrased in the Latin version of Surius, and scarcely a thread can be now visible of the original texture.] [Footnote 9: According to the first book of the Cyropaedia, professors of tactics, a small part of the science of war, were already instituted in Persia, by which Greece must be understood. A good edition of all the Scriptores Tactici would be a task not unworthy of a scholar. ​ His industry might discover some new Mss., and his learning might illustrate the military history of the ancients. ​ But this scholar should be likewise a soldier; and alas!  Quintus Icilius is no more.
 +
 +Note: M. Guichardt, author of Memoires Militaires sur les Grecs et sur les Romains. ​ See Gibbon'​s Extraits Raisonnees de mes Lectures, Misc. Works vol. v. p. 219. - M]
 +
 +[Footnote 10: After observing that the demerit of the Cappadocians rose in proportion to their rank and riches, he inserts a more pointed epigram, which is ascribed to Demodocus.
 +
 +The sting is precisely the same with the French epigram against Freron: Un serpent mordit Jean Freron - Eh bien?  Le serpent en mourut. ​ But as the Paris wits are seldom read in the Anthology, I should be curious to learn, through what channel it was conveyed for their imitation, (Constantin. Porphyrogen. de Themat. c. ii. Brunck Analect. Graec. tom. ii. p. 56. Brodaei Anthologia, l. ii. p. 244.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 11: The Legatio Liutprandi Episcopi Cremonensis ad Nicephorum Phocam is inserted in Muratori, Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. ii. pars i.] After the final division between the sons of Theodosius, the swarms of Barbarians from Scythia and Germany over-spread the provinces and extinguished the empire of ancient Rome.  The weakness of Constantinople was concealed by extent of dominion: her limits were inviolate, or at least entire; and the kingdom of Justinian was enlarged by the splendid acquisition of Africa and Italy. ​ But the possession of these new conquests was transient and precarious; and almost a moiety of the Eastern empire was torn away by the arms of the Saracens. ​ Syria and Egypt were oppressed by the Arabian caliphs; and, after the reduction of Africa, their lieutenants invaded and subdued the Roman province which had been changed into the Gothic monarchy of Spain. ​ The islands of the Mediterranean were not inaccessible to their naval powers; and it was from their extreme stations, the harbors of Crete and the fortresses of Cilicia, that the faithful or rebel emirs insulted the majesty of the throne and capital. ​ The remaining provinces, under the obedience of the emperors, were cast into a new mould; and the jurisdiction of the presidents, the consulars, and the counts were superseded by the institution of the themes, ^12 or military governments,​ which prevailed under the successors of Heraclius, and are described by the pen of the royal author. ​ Of the twenty-nine themes, twelve in Europe and seventeen in Asia, the origin is obscure, the etymology doubtful or capricious: the limits were arbitrary and fluctuating;​ but some particular names, that sound the most strangely to our ear, were derived from the character and attributes of the troops that were maintained at the expense, and for the guard, of the respective divisions. The vanity of the Greek princes most eagerly grasped the shadow of conquest and the memory of lost dominion. ​ A new Mesopotamia was created on the western side of the Euphrates: the appellation and praetor of Sicily were transferred to a narrow slip of Calabria; and a fragment of the duchy of Beneventum was promoted to the style and title of the theme of Lombardy. ​ In the decline of the Arabian empire, the successors of Constantine might indulge their pride in more solid advantages. ​ The victories of Nicephorus, John Zimisces, and Basil the Second, revived the fame, and enlarged the boundaries, of the Roman name: the province of Cilicia, the metropolis of Antioch, the islands of Crete and Cyprus, were restored to the allegiance of Christ and Caesar: one third of Italy was annexed to the throne of Constantinople:​ the kingdom of Bulgaria was destroyed; and the last sovereigns of the Macedonian dynasty extended their sway from the sources of the Tigris to the neighborhood of Rome.  In the eleventh century, the prospect was again clouded by new enemies and new misfortunes:​ the relics of Italy were swept away by the Norman adventures; and almost all the Asiatic branches were dissevered from the Roman trunk by the Turkish conquerors. ​ After these losses, the emperors of the Comnenian family continued to reign from the Danube to Peloponnesus,​ and from Belgrade to Nice, Trebizond, and the winding stream of the Meander. ​ The spacious provinces of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, were obedient to their sceptre; the possession of Cyprus, Rhodes, and Crete, was accompanied by the fifty islands of the Aegean or Holy Sea; ^13 and the remnant of their empire transcends the measure of the largest of the European kingdoms.
 +
 +[Footnote 12: See Constantine de Thematibus, in Banduri, tom. i. p. 1 - 30. It is used by Maurice (Strata gem. l. ii. c. 2) for a legion, from whence the name was easily transferred to its post or province, (Ducange, Gloss. Graec. tom. i. p. 487-488.) Some etymologies are attempted for the Opiscian, Optimatian, Thracesian, themes.]
 +
 +[Footnote 13: It is styled by the modern Greeks, from which the corrupt names of Archipelago,​ l'​Archipel,​ and the Arches, have been transformed by geographers and seamen, (D'​Anville,​ Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 281. Analyse de la Carte de la Greece, p. 60.) The numbers of monks or caloyers in all the islands and the adjacent mountain of Athos, (Observations de Belon, fol. 32, verso,) monte santo, might justify the epithet of holy, a slight alteration from the original, imposed by the Dorians, who, in their dialect, gave the figurative name of goats, to the bounding waves, (Vossius, apud Cellarium, Geograph. Antiq. tom. i. p. 829.)]
 +
 +The same princes might assert, with dignity and truth, that of all the monarchs of Christendom they possessed the greatest city, ^14 the most ample revenue, the most flourishing and populous state. ​ With the decline and fall of the empire, the cities of the West had decayed and fallen; nor could the ruins of Rome, or the mud walls, wooden hovels, and narrow precincts of Paris and London, prepare the Latin stranger to contemplate the situation and extent of Constantinople,​ her stately palaces and churches, and the arts and luxury of an innumerable people. ​ Her treasures might attract, but her virgin strength had repelled, and still promised to repel, the audacious invasion of the Persian and Bulgarian, the Arab and the Russian. ​ The provinces were less fortunate and impregnable;​ and few districts, few cities, could be discovered which had not been violated by some fierce Barbarian, impatient to despoil, because he was hopeless to possess. ​ From the age of Justinian the Eastern empire was sinking below its former level; the powers of destruction were more active than those of improvement;​ and the calamities of war were imbittered by the more permanent evils of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny. ​ The captive who had escaped from the Barbarians was often stripped and imprisoned by the ministers of his sovereign: the Greek superstition relaxed the mind by prayer, and emaciated the body by fasting; and the multitude of convents and festivals diverted many hands and many days from the temporal service of mankind. ​ Yet the subjects of the Byzantine empire were still the most dexterous and diligent of nations; their country was blessed by nature with every advantage of soil, climate, and situation; and, in the support and restoration of the arts, their patient and peaceful temper was more useful than the warlike spirit and feudal anarchy of Europe. ​ The provinces that still adhered to the empire were repeopled and enriched by the misfortunes of those which were irrecoverably lost.  From the yoke of the caliphs, the Catholics of Syria, Egypt, and Africa retired to the allegiance of their prince, to the society of their brethren: the movable wealth, which eludes the search of oppression, accompanied and alleviated their exile, and Constantinople received into her bosom the fugitive trade of Alexandria and Tyre.  The chiefs of Armenia and Scythia, who fled from hostile or religious persecution,​ were hospitably entertained:​ their followers were encouraged to build new cities and to cultivate waste lands; and many spots, both in Europe and Asia, preserved the name, the manners, or at least the memory, of these national colonies. ​ Even the tribes of Barbarians, who had seated themselves in arms on the territory of the empire, were gradually reclaimed to the laws of the church and state; and as long as they were separated from the Greeks, their posterity supplied a race of faithful and obedient soldiers. ​ Did we possess sufficient materials to survey the twenty-nine themes of the Byzantine monarchy, our curiosity might be satisfied with a chosen example: it is fortunate enough that the clearest light should be thrown on the most interesting province, and the name of Peloponnesus will awaken the attention of the classic reader. [Footnote 14: According to the Jewish traveller who had visited Europe and Asia, Constantinople was equalled only by Bagdad, the great city of the Ismaelites, (Voyage de Benjamin de Tudele, par Baratier, tom. l. c. v. p. 46.)]
 +
 +As early as the eighth century, in the troubled reign of the Iconoclasts,​ Greece, and even Peloponnesus,​ ^15 were overrun by some Sclavonian bands who outstripped the royal standard of Bulgaria. ​ The strangers of old, Cadmus, and Danaus, and Pelops, had planted in that fruitful soil the seeds of policy and learning; but the savages of the north eradicated what yet remained of their sickly and withered roots. ​ In this irruption, the country and the inhabitants were transformed;​ the Grecian blood was contaminated;​ and the proudest nobles of Peloponnesus were branded with the names of foreigners and slaves. ​ By the diligence of succeeding princes, the land was in some measure purified from the Barbarians; and the humble remnant was bound by an oath of obedience, tribute, and military service, which they often renewed and often violated. The siege of Patras was formed by a singular concurrence of the Sclavonians of Peloponnesus and the Saracens of Africa. ​ In their last distress, a pious fiction of the approach of the praetor of Corinth revived the courage of the citizens. ​ Their sally was bold and successful; the strangers embarked, the rebels submitted, and the glory of the day was ascribed to a phantom or a stranger, who fought in the foremost ranks under the character of St. Andrew the Apostle. ​ The shrine which contained his relics was decorated with the trophies of victory, and the captive race was forever devoted to the service and vassalage of the metropolitan church of Patras. By the revolt of two Sclavonian tribes, in the neighborhood of Helos and Lacedaemon, the peace of the peninsula was often disturbed. ​ They sometimes insulted the weakness, and sometimes resisted the oppression, of the Byzantine government, till at length the approach of their hostile brethren extorted a golden bull to define the rites and obligations of the Ezzerites and Milengi, whose annual tribute was defined at twelve hundred pieces of gold.  From these strangers the Imperial geographer has accurately distinguished a domestic, and perhaps original, race, who, in some degree, might derive their blood from the much-injured Helots. ​ The liberality of the Romans, and especially of Augustus, had enfranchised the maritime cities from the dominion of Sparta; and the continuance of the same benefit ennobled them with the title of Eleuthero, or Free-Laconians. ^16 In the time of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,​ they had acquired the name of Mainotes, under which they dishonor the claim of liberty by the inhuman pillage of all that is shipwrecked on their rocky shores. Their territory, barren of corn, but fruitful of olives, extended to the Cape of Malea: they accepted a chief or prince from the Byzantine praetor, and a light tribute of four hundred pieces of gold was the badge of their immunity, rather than of their dependence. ​ The freemen of Laconia assumed the character of Romans, and long adhered to the religion of the Greeks. ​ By the zeal of the emperor Basil, they were baptized in the faith of Christ: but the altars of Venus and Neptune had been crowned by these rustic votaries five hundred years after they were proscribed in the Roman world. ​ In the theme of Peloponnesus,​ ^17 forty cities were still numbered, and the declining state of Sparta, Argos, and Corinth, may be suspended in the tenth century, at an equal distance, perhaps, between their antique splendor and their present desolation. ​ The duty of military service, either in person or by substitute, was imposed on the lands or benefices of the province; a sum of five pieces of gold was assessed on each of the substantial tenants; and the same capitation was shared among several heads of inferior value. ​ On the proclamation of an Italian war, the Peloponnesians excused themselves by a voluntary oblation of one hundred pounds of gold, (four thousand pounds sterling,) and a thousand horses with their arms and trappings. ​ The churches and monasteries furnished their contingent; a sacrilegious profit was extorted from the sale of ecclesiastical honors; and the indigent bishop of Leucadia ^18 was made responsible for a pension of one hundred pieces of gold. ^19 [Footnote 15: Says Constantine,​ (Thematibus,​ l. ii. c. vi. p. 25,) in a style as barbarous as the idea, which he confirms, as usual, by a foolish epigram. The epitomizer of Strabo likewise observes, (l. vii. p. 98, edit. Hudson. edit. Casaub. 1251;) a passage which leads Dodwell a weary dance (Geograph, Minor. tom. ii. dissert. vi. p. 170 - 191) to enumerate the inroads of the Sclavi, and to fix the date (A.D. 980) of this petty geographer.] [Footnote 16: Strabon. Geograph. l. viii. p. 562.  Pausanius, Graec. Descriptio, l. c 21, p. 264, 265.  Pliny, Hist. Natur. l. iv. c. 8.] [Footnote 17: Constantin. de Administrando Imperio, l. ii. c. 50, 51, 52.] [Footnote 18: The rock of Leucate was the southern promontory of his island and diocese. ​ Had he been the exclusive guardian of the Lover'​s Leap so well known to the readers of Ovid (Epist. Sappho) and the Spectator, he might have been the richest prelate of the Greek church.]
 +
 +[Footnote 19: Leucatensis mihi juravit episcopus, quotannis ecclesiam suam debere Nicephoro aureos centum persolvere, similiter et ceteras plus minusve secundum vires suos, (Liutprand in Legat. p. 489.)]
 +
 +But the wealth of the province, and the trust of the revenue, were founded on the fair and plentiful produce of trade and manufacturers;​ and some symptoms of liberal policy may be traced in a law which exempts from all personal taxes the mariners of Peloponnesus,​ and the workmen in parchment and purple. ​ This denomination may be fairly applied or extended to the manufacturers of linen, woollen, and more especially of silk: the two former of which had flourished in Greece since the days of Homer; and the last was introduced perhaps as early as the reign of Justinian. ​ These arts, which were exercised at Corinth, Thebes, and Argos, afforded food and occupation to a numerous people: the men, women, and children were distributed according to their age and strength; and, if many of these were domestic slaves, their masters, who directed the work and enjoyed the profit, were of a free and honorable condition. ​ The gifts which a rich and generous matron of Peloponnesus presented to the emperor Basil, her adopted son, were doubtless fabricated in the Grecian looms. ​ Danielis bestowed a carpet of fine wool, of a pattern which imitated the spots of a peacock'​s tail, of a magnitude to overspread the floor of a new church, erected in the triple name of Christ, of Michael the archangel, and of the prophet Elijah. ​ She gave six hundred pieces of silk and linen, of various use and denomination:​ the silk was painted with the Tyrian dye, and adorned by the labors of the needle; and the linen was so exquisitely fine, that an entire piece might be rolled in the hollow of a cane. ^20 In his description of the Greek manufactures,​ an historian of Sicily discriminates their price, according to the weight and quality of the silk, the closeness of the texture, the beauty of the colors, and the taste and materials of the embroidery. ​ A single, or even a double or treble thread was thought sufficient for ordinary sale; but the union of six threads composed a piece of stronger and more costly workmanship. ​ Among the colors, he celebrates, with affectation of eloquence, the fiery blaze of the scarlet, and the softer lustre of the green. ​ The embroidery was raised either in silk or gold: the more simple ornament of stripes or circles was surpassed by the nicer imitation of flowers: the vestments that were fabricated for the palace or the altar often glittered with precious stones; and the figures were delineated in strings of Oriental pearls. ^21 Till the twelfth century, Greece alone, of all the countries of Christendom,​ was possessed of the insect who is taught by nature, and of the workmen who are instructed by art, to prepare this elegant luxury. ​ But the secret had been stolen by the dexterity and diligence of the Arabs: the caliphs of the East and West scorned to borrow from the unbelievers their furniture and apparel; and two cities of Spain, Almeria and Lisbon, were famous for the manufacture,​ the use, and, perhaps, the exportation,​ of silk.  It was first introduced into Sicily by the Normans; and this emigration of trade distinguishes the victory of Roger from the uniform and fruitless hostilities of every age.  After the sack of Corinth, Athens, and Thebes, his lieutenant embarked with a captive train of weavers and artificers of both sexes, a trophy glorious to their master, and disgraceful to the Greek emperor. ^22 The king of Sicily was not insensible of the value of the present; and, in the restitution of the prisoners, he excepted only the male and female manufacturers of Thebes and Corinth, who labor, says the Byzantine historian, under a barbarous lord, like the old Eretrians in the service of Darius. ^23 A stately edifice, in the palace of Palermo, was erected for the use of this industrious colony; ^24 and the art was propagated by their children and disciples to satisfy the increasing demand of the western world. The decay of the looms of Sicily may be ascribed to the troubles of the island, and the competition of the Italian cities. ​ In the year thirteen hundred and fourteen, Lucca alone, among her sister republics, enjoyed the lucrative monopoly. ^25 A domestic revolution dispersed the manufacturers to Florence, Bologna, Venice, Milan, and even the countries beyond the Alps; and thirteen years after this event the statutes of Modena enjoin the planting of mulberry-trees,​ and regulate the duties on raw silk. ^26 The northern climates are less propitious to the education of the silkworm; but the industry of France and England ^27 is supplied and enriched by the productions of Italy and China.
 +
 +[Footnote 20: See Constantine,​ (in Vit. Basil. c. 74, 75, 76, p. 195, 197, in Script. post Theophanem,​) who allows himself to use many technical or barbarous words: barbarous, says he.  Ducange labors on some: but he was not a weaver.]
 +
 +[Footnote 21: The manufactures of Palermo, as they are described by Hugo Falcandus, (Hist. Sicula in proem. in Muratori Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. v. p. 256,) is a copy of those of Greece. Without transcribing his declamatory sentences, which I have softened in the text, I shall observe, that in this passage the strange word exarentasmata is very properly changed for exanthemata by Carisius, the first editor Falcandus lived about the year 1190.]
 +
 +[Footnote 22: Inde ad interiora Graeciae progressi, Corinthum, Thebas, Athenas, antiqua nobilitate celebres, expugnant; et, maxima ibidem praeda direpta, opifices etiam, qui sericos pannos texere solent, ob ignominiam Imperatoris illius, suique principis gloriam, captivos deducunt. ​ Quos Rogerius, in Palermo Siciliae, metropoli collocans, artem texendi suos edocere praecepit; et exhinc praedicta ars illa, prius a Graecis tantum inter Christianos habita, Romanis patere coepit ingeniis, (Otho Frisingen. de Gestis Frederici I. l. i. c. 33, in Muratori Script. Ital. tom. vi. p. 668.) This exception allows the bishop to celebrate Lisbon and Almeria in sericorum pannorum opificio praenobilissimae,​ (in Chron. apud Muratori, Annali d'​Italia,​ tom. ix. p. 415.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 23: Nicetas in Manuel, l. ii. c. 8. p. 65.  He describes these Greeks as skilled.]
 +
 +[Footnote 24: Hugo Falcandus styles them nobiles officinas. ​ The Arabs had not introduced silk, though they had planted canes and made sugar in the plain of Palermo.]
 +
 +[Footnote 25: See the Life of Castruccio Casticani, not by Machiavel, but by his more authentic biographer Nicholas Tegrimi. Muratori, who has inserted it in the xith volume of his Scriptores, quotes this curious passage in his Italian Antiquities,​ (tom. i. dissert. xxv. p. 378.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 26: From the Ms. statutes, as they are quoted by Muratori in his Italian Antiquities,​ (tom. ii. dissert. xxv. p. 46 - 48.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 27: The broad silk manufacture was established in England in the year 1620, (Anderson'​s Chronological Deduction, vol. ii. p. 4: ) but it is to the revocation of the edict of Nantes that we owe the Spitalfields colony.]
 +
 +====== Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire. ======
 +
 +===== Part II. =====
 +
 +I must repeat the complaint that the vague and scanty memorials of the times will not afford any just estimate of the taxes, the revenue, and the resources of the Greek empire. ​ From every province of Europe and Asia the rivulets of gold and silver discharged into the Imperial reservoir a copious and perennial stream. ​ The separation of the branches from the trunk increased the relative magnitude of Constantinople;​ and the maxims of despotism contracted the state to the capital, the capital to the palace, and the palace to the royal person. ​ A Jewish traveller, who visited the East in the twelfth century, is lost in his admiration of the Byzantine riches. ​ "It is here," says Benjamin of Tudela, "in the queen of cities, that the tributes of the Greek empire are annually deposited and the lofty towers are filled with precious magazines of silk, purple, and gold.  It is said, that Constantinople pays each day to her sovereign twenty thousand pieces of gold; which are levied on the shops, taverns, and markets, on the merchants of Persia and Egypt, of Russia and Hungary, of Italy and Spain, who frequent the capital by sea and land." ^28 In all pecuniary matters, the authority of a Jew is doubtless respectable;​ but as the three hundred and sixty-five days would produce a yearly income exceeding seven millions sterling, I am tempted to retrench at least the numerous festivals of the Greek calendar. ​ The mass of treasure that was saved by Theodora and Basil the Second will suggest a splendid, though indefinite, idea of their supplies and resources. ​ The mother of Michael, before she retired to a cloister, attempted to check or expose the prodigality of her ungrateful son, by a free and faithful account of the wealth which he inherited; one hundred and nine thousand pounds of gold, and three hundred thousand of silver, the fruits of her own economy and that of her deceased husband. ^29 The avarice of Basil is not less renowned than his valor and fortune: his victorious armies were paid and rewarded without breaking into the mass of two hundred thousand pounds of gold, (about eight millions sterling,) which he had buried in the subterraneous vaults of the palace. ^30 Such accumulation of treasure is rejected by the theory and practice of modern policy; and we are more apt to compute the national riches by the use and abuse of the public credit. ​ Yet the maxims of antiquity are still embraced by a monarch formidable to his enemies; by a republic respectable to her allies; and both have attained their respective ends of military power and domestic tranquillity.
 +
 +[Footnote 28: Voyage de Benjamin de Tudele, tom. i. c. 5, p. 44 - 52.  The Hebrew text has been translated into French by that marvellous child Baratier, who has added a volume of crude learning. ​ The errors and fictions of the Jewish rabbi are not a sufficient ground to deny the reality of his travels. Note: I am inclined, with Buegnot (Les Juifs d'​Occident,​ part iii. p. 101 et seqq.) and Jost (Geschichte der Israeliter, vol. vi. anhang. p. 376) to consider this work a mere compilation,​ and to doubt the reality of the travels. - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote 29: See the continuator of Theophanes, (l. iv. p. 107,) Cedremis, (p. 544,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 157.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 30: Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xvii. p. 225,) instead of pounds, uses the more classic appellation of talents, which, in a literal sense and strict computation,​ would multiply sixty fold the treasure of Basil.] Whatever might be consumed for the present wants, or reserved for the future use, of the state, the first and most sacred demand was for the pomp and pleasure of the emperor, and his discretion only could define the measure of his private expense. ​ The princes of Constantinople were far removed from the simplicity of nature; yet, with the revolving seasons, they were led by taste or fashion to withdraw to a purer air, from the smoke and tumult of the capital. ​ They enjoyed, or affected to enjoy, the rustic festival of the vintage: their leisure was amused by the exercise of the chase and the calmer occupation of fishing, and in the summer heats, they were shaded from the sun, and refreshed by the cooling breezes from the sea.  The coasts and islands of Asia and Europe were covered with their magnificent villas; but, instead of the modest art which secretly strives to hide itself and to decorate the scenery of nature, the marble structure of their gardens served only to expose the riches of the lord, and the labors of the architect. ​ The successive casualties of inheritance and forfeiture had rendered the sovereign proprietor of many stately houses in the city and suburbs, of which twelve were appropriated to the ministers of state; but the great palace, ^31 the centre of the Imperial residence, was fixed during eleven centuries to the same position, between the hippodrome, the cathedral of St. Sophia, and the gardens, which descended by many a terrace to the shores of the Propontis. The primitive edifice of the first Constantine was a copy, or rival, of ancient Rome; the gradual improvements of his successors aspired to emulate the wonders of the old world, ^32 and in the tenth century, the Byzantine palace excited the admiration, at least of the Latins, by an unquestionable preeminence of strength, size, and magnificence. ^33 But the toil and treasure of so many ages had produced a vast and irregular pile: each separate building was marked with the character of the times and of the founder; and the want of space might excuse the reigning monarch, who demolished, perhaps with secret satisfaction,​ the works of his predecessors. ​ The economy of the emperor Theophilus allowed a more free and ample scope for his domestic luxury and splendor. ​ A favorite ambassador, who had astonished the Abbassides themselves by his pride and liberality, presented on his return the model of a palace, which the caliph of Bagdad had recently constructed on the banks of the Tigris. The model was instantly copied and surpassed: the new buildings of Theophilus ^34 were accompanied with gardens, and with five churches, one of which was conspicuous for size and beauty: it was crowned with three domes, the roof of gilt brass reposed on columns of Italian marble, and the walls were incrusted with marbles of various colors. ​ In the face of the church, a semicircular portico, of the figure and name of the Greek sigma, was supported by fifteen columns of Phrygian marble, and the subterraneous vaults were of a similar construction. ​ The square before the sigma was decorated with a fountain, and the margin of the basin was lined and encompassed with plates of silver. ​ In the beginning of each season, the basin, instead of water, was replenished with the most exquisite fruits, which were abandoned to the populace for the entertainment of the prince. ​ He enjoyed this tumultuous spectacle from a throne resplendent with gold and gems, which was raised by a marble staircase to the height of a lofty terrace. ​ Below the throne were seated the officers of his guards, the magistrates,​ the chiefs of the factions of the circus; the inferior steps were occupied by the people, and the place below was covered with troops of dancers, singers, and pantomimes. ​ The square was surrounded by the hall of justice, the arsenal, and the various offices of business and pleasure; and the purple chamber was named from the annual distribution of robes of scarlet and purple by the hand of the empress herself. The long series of the apartments was adapted to the seasons, and decorated with marble and porphyry, with painting, sculpture, and mosaics, with a profusion of gold, silver, and precious stones. His fanciful magnificence employed the skill and patience of such artists as the times could afford: but the taste of Athens would have despised their frivolous and costly labors; a golden tree, with its leaves and branches, which sheltered a multitude of birds warbling their artificial notes, and two lions of massy gold, and of natural size, who looked and roared like their brethren of the forest. ​ The successors of Theophilus, of the Basilian and Comnenian dynasties, were not less ambitious of leaving some memorial of their residence; and the portion of the palace most splendid and august was dignified with the title of the golden triclinium. ^35 With becoming modesty, the rich and noble Greeks aspired to imitate their sovereign, and when they passed through the streets on horseback, in their robes of silk and embroidery, they were mistaken by the children for kings. ^36 A matron of Peloponnesus,​ ^37 who had cherished the infant fortunes of Basil the Macedonian, was excited by tenderness or vanity to visit the greatness of her adopted son.  In a journey of five hundred miles from Patras to Constantinople,​ her age or indolence declined the fatigue of a horse or carriage: the soft litter or bed of Danielis was transported on the shoulders of ten robust slaves; and as they were relieved at easy distances, a band of three hundred were selected for the performance of this service. ​ She was entertained in the Byzantine palace with filial reverence, and the honors of a queen; and whatever might be the origin of her wealth, her gifts were not unworthy of the regal dignity. ​ I have already described the fine and curious manufactures of Peloponnesus,​ of linen, silk, and woollen; but the most acceptable of her presents consisted in three hundred beautiful youths, of whom one hundred were eunuchs; ^38 "for she was not ignorant,"​ says the historian, "that the air of the palace is more congenial to such insects, than a shepherd'​s dairy to the flies of the summer."​ During her lifetime, she bestowed the greater part of her estates in Peloponnesus,​ and her testament instituted Leo, the son of Basil, her universal heir. After the payment of the legacies, fourscore villas or farms were added to the Imperial domain; and three thousand slaves of Danielis were enfranchised by their new lord, and transplanted as a colony to the Italian coast. ​ From this example of a private matron, we may estimate the wealth and magnificence of the emperors. ​ Yet our enjoyments are confined by a narrow circle; and, whatsoever may be its value, the luxury of life is possessed with more innocence and safety by the master of his own, than by the steward of the public, fortune.
 +
 +[Footnote 31: For a copious and minute description of the Imperial palace, see the Constantinop. Christiana (l. ii. c. 4, p. 113 - 123) of Ducange, the Tillemont of the middle ages. Never has laborious Germany produced two antiquarians more laborious and accurate than these two natives of lively France.]
 +
 +[Footnote 32: The Byzantine palace surpasses the Capitol, the palace of Pergamus, the Rufinian wood, the temple of Adrian at Cyzicus, the pyramids, the Pharus, &c., according to an epigram (Antholog. Graec. l. iv. p. 488, 489. Brodaei, apud Wechel) ascribed to Julian, ex-praefect of Egypt. Seventy-one of his epigrams, some lively, are collected in Brunck, (Analect. Graec. tom. ii. p. 493 - 510; but this is wanting.]
 +
 +[Footnote 33: Constantinopolitanum Palatium non pulchritudine solum, verum stiam fortitudine,​ omnibus quas unquam videram munitionibus praestat, (Liutprand, Hist. l. v. c. 9, p. 465.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 34: See the anonymous continuator of Theophanes, (p. 59, 61, 86,) whom I have followed in the neat and concise abstract of Le Beau, (Hint. du Bas Empire, tom. xiv. p. 436, 438.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 35: In aureo triclinio quae praestantior est pars potentissimus (the usurper Romanus) degens caeteras partes (filiis) distribuerat,​ (Liutprand. Hist. l. v. c. 9, p. 469.) For this last signification of Triclinium see Ducange (Gloss. Graec. et Observations sur Joinville, p. 240) and Reiske, (ad Constantinum de Ceremoniis, p. 7.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 36: In equis vecti (says Benjamin of Tudela) regum filiis videntur persimiles. ​ I prefer the Latin version of Constantine l'​Empereur (p. 46) to the French of Baratier, (tom. i. p. 49.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 37: See the account of her journey, munificence,​ and testament, in the life of Basil, by his grandson Constantine,​ (p. 74, 75, 76, p. 195 - 197.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 38: Carsamatium. Graeci vocant, amputatis virilibus et virga, puerum eunuchum quos Verdunenses mercatores obinmensum lucrum facere solent et in Hispaniam ducere, (Liutprand, l. vi. c. 3, p. 470.) - The last abomination of the abominable slave-trade! ​ Yet I am surprised to find, in the xth century, such active speculations of commerce in Lorraine.]
 +
 +In an absolute government, which levels the distinctions of noble and plebeian birth, the sovereign is the sole fountain of honor; and the rank, both in the palace and the empire, depends on the titles and offices which are bestowed and resumed by his arbitrary will.  Above a thousand years, from Vespasian to Alexius Comnenus, ^39 the Caesar was the second person, or at least the second degree, after the supreme title of Augustus was more freely communicated to the sons and brothers of the reigning monarch. ​ To elude without violating his promise to a powerful associate, the husband of his sister, and, without giving himself an equal, to reward the piety of his brother Isaac, the crafty Alexius interposed a new and supereminent dignity. The happy flexibility of the Greek tongue allowed him to compound the names of Augustus and Emperor (Sebastos and Autocrator,​) and the union produces the sonorous title of Sebastocrator. ​ He was exalted above the Caesar on the first step of the throne: the public acclamations repeated his name; and he was only distinguished from the sovereign by some peculiar ornaments of the head and feet.  The emperor alone could assume the purple or red buskins, and the close diadem or tiara, which imitated the fashion of the Persian kings. ^40 It was a high pyramidal cap of cloth or silk, almost concealed by a profusion of pearls and jewels: the crown was formed by a horizontal circle and two arches of gold: at the summit, the point of their intersection,​ was placed a globe or cross, and two strings or lappets of pearl depended on either cheek. ​ Instead of red, the buskins of the Sebastocrator and Caesar were green; and on their open coronets or crowns, the precious gems were more sparingly distributed. Beside and below the Caesar the fancy of Alexius created the Panhypersebastos and the Protosebastos,​ whose sound and signification will satisfy a Grecian ear. They imply a superiority and a priority above the simple name of Augustus; and this sacred and primitive title of the Roman prince was degraded to the kinsmen and servants of the Byzantine court. ​ The daughter of Alexius applauds, with fond complacency,​ this artful gradation of hopes and honors; but the science of words is accessible to the meanest capacity; and this vain dictionary was easily enriched by the pride of his successors. ​ To their favorite sons or brothers, they imparted the more lofty appellation of Lord or Despot, which was illustrated with new ornaments, and prerogatives,​ and placed immediately after the person of the emperor himself. ​ The five titles of, 1. Despot; 2. Sebastocrator;​ 3. Caesar; 4. Panhypersebastos;​ and, 5. Protosebastos;​ were usually confined to the princes of his blood: they were the emanations of his majesty; but as they exercised no regular functions, their existence was useless, and their authority precarious. [Footnote 39: See the Alexiad (l. iii. p. 78, 79) of Anna Comnena, who, except in filial piety, may be compared to Mademoiselle de Montpensier. ​ In her awful reverence for titles and forms, she styles her father, the inventor of this royal art.]
 +
 +[Footnote 40: See Reiske, and Ceremoniale,​ p. 14, 15.  Ducange has given a learned dissertation on the crowns of Constantinople,​ Rome, France, &c., (sur Joinville, xxv. p. 289 - 303;) but of his thirty-four models, none exactly tally with Anne's description.]
 +
 +But in every monarchy the substantial powers of government must be divided and exercised by the ministers of the palace and treasury, the fleet and army.  The titles alone can differ; and in the revolution of ages, the counts and praefects, the praetor and quaestor, insensibly descended, while their servants rose above their heads to the first honors of the state. ​ 1. In a monarchy, which refers every object to the person of the prince, the care and ceremonies of the palace form the most respectable department. ​ The Curopalata, ^41 so illustrious in the age of Justinian, was supplanted by the Protovestiare,​ whose primitive functions were limited to the custody of the wardrobe. ​ From thence his jurisdiction was extended over the numerous menials of pomp and luxury; and he presided with his silver wand at the public and private audience. ​ 2. In the ancient system of Constantine,​ the name of Logothete, or accountant, was applied to the receivers of the finances: the principal officers were distinguished as the Logothetes of the domain, of the posts, the army, the private and public treasure; and the great Logothete, the supreme guardian of the laws and revenues, is compared with the chancellor of the Latin monarchies. ^42 His discerning eye pervaded the civil administration;​ and he was assisted, in due subordination,​ by the eparch or praefect of the city, the first secretary, and the keepers of the privy seal, the archives, and the red or purple ink which was reserved for the sacred signature of the emperor alone. ^43 The introductor and interpreter of foreign ambassadors were the great Chiauss ^44 and the Dragoman, ^45 two names of Turkish origin, and which are still familiar to the Sublime Porte. ​ 3. From the humble style and service of guards, the Domestics insensibly rose to the station of generals; the military themes of the East and West, the legions of Europe and Asia, were often divided, till the great Domestic was finally invested with the universal and absolute command of the land forces. ​ The Protostrator,​ in his original functions, was the assistant of the emperor when he mounted on horseback: he gradually became the lieutenant of the great Domestic in the field; and his jurisdiction extended over the stables, the cavalry, and the royal train of hunting and hawking. ​ The Stratopedarch was the great judge of the camp: the Protospathaire commanded the guards; the Constable, ^46 the great Aeteriarch, and the Acolyth, were the separate chiefs of the Franks, the Barbarians, and the Varangi, or English, the mercenary strangers, who, a the decay of the national spirit, formed the nerve of the Byzantine armies. ​ 4. The naval powers were under the command of the great Duke; in his absence they obeyed the great Drungaire of the fleet; and, in his place, the Emir, or Admiral, a name of Saracen extraction, ^47 but which has been naturalized in all the modern languages of Europe. ​ Of these officers, and of many more whom it would be useless to enumerate, the civil and military hierarchy was framed. ​ Their honors and emoluments, their dress and titles, their mutual salutations and respective preeminence,​ were balanced with more exquisite labor than would have fixed the constitution of a free people; and the code was almost perfect when this baseless fabric, the monument of pride and servitude, was forever buried in the ruins of the empire. ^48 [Footnote 41:  Par exstans curis, solo diademate dispar, Ordine pro rerum vocitatus Cura-Palati,​
 +
 +says the African Corippus, (de Laudibus Justini, l. i. 136,) and in the same century (the vith) Cassiodorus represents him, who, virga aurea decoratus, inter numerosa obsequia primus ante pedes regis incederet (Variar. vii. 5.) But this great officer, (unknown,) exercising no function, was cast down by the modern Greeks to the xvth rank, (Codin. c. 5, p. 65.)] [Footnote 42: Nicetas (in Manuel, l. vii. c. 1) defines him.  Yet the epithet was added by the elder Andronicus, (Ducange, tom. i. p. 822, 823.)] [Footnote 43: From Leo I. (A.D. 470) the Imperial ink, which is still visible on some original acts, was a mixture of vermilion and cinnabar, or purple. The emperor'​s guardians, who shared in this prerogative,​ always marked in green ink the indiction and the month. ​ See the Dictionnaire Diplomatique,​ (tom. i. p. 511 - 513) a valuable abridgment.]
 +
 +[Footnote 44: The sultan sent to Alexius, (Anna Comnena, l. vi. p. 170. Ducange ad loc.;) and Pachymer often speaks, (l. vii. c. 1, l. xii. c. 30, l. xiii. c. 22.) The Chiaoush basha is now at the head of 700 officers, (Rycaut'​s Ottoman Empire, p. 349, octavo edition.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 45: Tagerman is the Arabic name of an interpreter,​ (D'​Herbelot,​ p. 854, 855;), says Codinus, (c. v. No. 70, p. 67.) See Villehardouin,​ (No. 96,) Bus, (Epist. iv. p. 338,) and Ducange, (Observations sur Villehardouin,​ and Gloss. Graec. et Latin)]
 +
 +[Footnote 46: A corruption from the Latin Comes stabuli, or the French Connetable. ​ In a military sense, it was used by the Greeks in the eleventh century, at least as early as in France.]
 +
 +[Footnote 47: It was directly borrowed from the Normans. ​ In the xiith century, Giannone reckons the admiral of Sicily among the great officers.]
 +
 +[Footnote 48: This sketch of honors and offices is drawn from George Cordinus Curopalata, who survived the taking of Constantinople by the Turks: his elaborate, though trifling, work (de Officiis Ecclesiae et Aulae C. P.) has been illustrated by the notes of Goar, and the three books of Gretser, a learned Jesuit.]
 +
 +====== Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire. ======
 +
 +===== Part III. =====
 +
 +The most lofty titles, and the most humble postures, which devotion has applied to the Supreme Being, have been prostituted by flattery and fear to creatures of the same nature with ourselves. ​ The mode of adoration, ^49 of falling prostrate on the ground, and kissing the feet of the emperor, was borrowed by Diocletian from Persian servitude; but it was continued and aggravated till the last age of the Greek monarchy. Excepting only on Sundays, when it was waived, from a motive of religious pride, this humiliating reverence was exacted from all who entered the royal presence, from the princes invested with the diadem and purple, and from the ambassadors who represented their independent sovereigns, the caliphs of Asia, Egypt, or Spain, the kings of France and Italy, and the Latin emperors of ancient Rome. In his transactions of business, Liutprand, bishop of Cremona, ^50 asserted the free spirit of a Frank and the dignity of his master Otho.  Yet his sincerity cannot disguise the abasement of his first audience. ​ When he approached the throne, the birds of the golden tree began to warble their notes, which were accompanied by the roarings of the two lions of gold.  With his two companions Liutprand was compelled to bow and to fall prostrate; and thrice to touch the ground with his forehead. ​ He arose, but in the short interval, the throne had been hoisted from the floor to the ceiling, the Imperial figure appeared in new and more gorgeous apparel, and the interview was concluded in haughty and majestic silence. ​ In this honest and curious narrative, the Bishop of Cremona represents the ceremonies of the Byzantine court, which are still practised in the Sublime Porte, and which were preserved in the last age by the dukes of Muscovy or Russia. ​ After a long journey by sea and land, from Venice to Constantinople,​ the ambassador halted at the golden gate, till he was conducted by the formal officers to the hospitable palace prepared for his reception; but this palace was a prison, and his jealous keepers prohibited all social intercourse either with strangers or natives. ​ At his first audience, he offered the gifts of his master, slaves, and golden vases, and costly armor. The ostentatious payment of the officers and troops displayed before his eyes the riches of the empire: he was entertained at a royal banquet, ^51 in which the ambassadors of the nations were marshalled by the esteem or contempt of the Greeks: from his own table, the emperor, as the most signal favor, sent the plates which he had tasted; and his favorites were dismissed with a robe of honor. ^52 In the morning and evening of each day, his civil and military servants attended their duty in the palace; their labors were repaid by the sight, perhaps by the smile, of their lord; his commands were signified by a nod or a sign: but all earthly greatness stood silent and submissive in his presence. In his regular or extraordinary processions through the capital, he unveiled his person to the public view: the rites of policy were connected with those of religion, and his visits to the principal churches were regulated by the festivals of the Greek calendar. ​ On the eve of these processions,​ the gracious or devout intention of the monarch was proclaimed by the heralds. The streets were cleared and purified; the pavement was strewed with flowers; the most precious furniture, the gold and silver plate, and silken hangings, were displayed from the windows and balconies, and a severe discipline restrained and silenced the tumult of the populace. ​ The march was opened by the military officers at the head of their troops: they were followed in long order by the magistrates and ministers of the civil government: the person of the emperor was guarded by his eunuchs and domestics, and at the church door he was solemnly received by the patriarch and his clergy. ​ The task of applause was not abandoned to the rude and spontaneous voices of the crowd. The most convenient stations were occupied by the bands of the blue and green factions of the circus; and their furious conflicts, which had shaken the capital, were insensibly sunk to an emulation of servitude. ​ From either side they echoed in responsive melody the praises of the emperor; their poets and musicians directed the choir, and long life ^53 and victory were the burden of every song.  The same acclamations were performed at the audience, the banquet, and the church; and as an evidence of boundless sway, they were repeated in the Latin, ^54 Gothic, Persian, French, and even English language, ^55 by the mercenaries who sustained the real or fictitious character of those nations. ​ By the pen of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,​ this science of form and flattery has been reduced into a pompous and trifling volume, ^56 which the vanity of succeeding times might enrich with an ample supplement. ​ Yet the calmer reflection of a prince would surely suggest that the same acclamations were applied to every character and every reign: and if he had risen from a private rank, he might remember, that his own voice had been the loudest and most eager in applause, at the very moment when he envied the fortune, or conspired against the life, of his predecessor. ^57
 +
 +[Footnote 49: The respectful salutation of carrying the hand to the mouth, ad os, is the root of the Latin word adoro, adorare. See our learned Selden, (vol. iii. p. 143 - 145, 942,) in his Titles of Honor. ​ It seems, from the 1st book of Herodotus, to be of Persian origin.]
 +
 +[Footnote 50: The two embassies of Liutprand to Constantinople,​ all that he saw or suffered in the Greek capital, are pleasantly described by himself (Hist. l. vi. c. 1 - 4, p. 469 - 471. Legatio ad Nicephorum Phocam, p. 479 - 489.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 51: Among the amusements of the feast, a boy balanced, on his forehead, a pike, or pole, twenty-four feet long, with a cross bar of two cubits a little below the top.  Two boys, naked, though cinctured, (campestrati,​) together, and singly, climbed, stood, played, descended, &c., ita me stupidum reddidit: utrum mirabilius nescio, (p. 470.) At another repast a homily of Chrysostom on the Acts of the Apostles was read elata voce non Latine, (p. 483.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 52: Gala is not improbably derived from Cala, or Caloat, in Arabic a robe of honor, (Reiske, Not. in Ceremon. p. 84.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 53: It is explained, (Codin, c. 7. Ducange, Gloss. Graec. tom. i. p. 1199.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 54: (Ceremon. c. 75, p. 215.) The want of the Latin '​V'​ obliged the Greeks to employ their '​beta';​ nor do they regard quantity. Till he recollected the true language, these strange sentences might puzzle a professor.]
 +
 +[Footnote 55: (Codin.p. 90.) I wish he had preserved the words, however corrupt, of their English acclamation.]
 +
 +[Footnote 56: For all these ceremonies, see the professed work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus with the notes, or rather dissertations,​ of his German editors, Leich and Reiske. ​ For the rank of standing courtiers, p. 80, not. 23, 62; for the adoration, except on Sundays, p. 95, 240, not. 131; the processions,​ p. 2, &c., not. p. 3, &c.; the acclamations passim not. 25 &c.; the factions and Hippodrome, p. 177 - 214, not. 9, 93, &c.; the Gothic games, p. 221, not. 111; vintage, p. 217, not 109: much more information is scattered over the work.]
 +
 +[Footnote 57: Et privato Othoni et nuper eadem dicenti nota adulatio, (Tacit. Hist. 1,85.)]
 +
 +The princes of the North, of the nations, says Constantine,​ without faith or fame, were ambitious of mingling their blood with the blood of the Caesars, by their marriage with a royal virgin, or by the nuptials of their daughters with a Roman prince. ^58 The aged monarch, in his instructions to his son, reveals the secret maxims of policy and pride; and suggests the most decent reasons for refusing these insolent and unreasonable demands. Every animal, says the discreet emperor, is prompted by the distinction of language, religion, and manners. ​ A just regard to the purity of descent preserves the harmony of public and private life; but the mixture of foreign blood is the fruitful source of disorder and discord. ​ Such had ever been the opinion and practice of the sage Romans: their jurisprudence proscribed the marriage of a citizen and a stranger: in the days of freedom and virtue, a senator would have scorned to match his daughter with a king: the glory of Mark Antony was sullied by an Egyptian wife: ^59 and the emperor Titus was compelled, by popular censure, to dismiss with reluctance the reluctant Berenice. ^60 This perpetual interdict was ratified by the fabulous sanction of the great Constantine. ​ The ambassadors of the nations, more especially of the unbelieving nations, were solemnly admonished, that such strange alliances had been condemned by the founder of the church and city.  The irrevocable law was inscribed on the altar of St. Sophia; and the impious prince who should stain the majesty of the purple was excluded from the civil and ecclesiastical communion of the Romans. ​ If the ambassadors were instructed by any false brethren in the Byzantine history, they might produce three memorable examples of the violation of this imaginary law: the marriage of Leo, or rather of his father Constantine the Fourth, with the daughter of the king of the Chozars, the nuptials of the granddaughter of Romanus with a Bulgarian prince, and the union of Bertha of France or Italy with young Romanus, the son of Constantine Porphyrogenitus himself. ​ To these objections three answers were prepared, which solved the difficulty and established the law. I. The deed and the guilt of Constantine Copronymus were acknowledged. The Isaurian heretic, who sullied the baptismal font, and declared war against the holy images, had indeed embraced a Barbarian wife.  By this impious alliance he accomplished the measure of his crimes, and was devoted to the just censure of the church and of posterity. ​ II.  Romanus could not be alleged as a legitimate emperor; he was a plebeian usurper, ignorant of the laws, and regardless of the honor, of the monarchy. ​ His son Christopher,​ the father of the bride, was the third in rank in the college of princes, at once the subject and the accomplice of a rebellious parent. The Bulgarians were sincere and devout Christians; and the safety of the empire, with the redemption of many thousand captives, depended on this preposterous alliance. ​ Yet no consideration could dispense from the law of Constantine:​ the clergy, the senate, and the people, disapproved the conduct of Romanus; and he was reproached, both in his life and death, as the author of the public disgrace. III.  For the marriage of his own son with the daughter of Hugo, king of Italy, a more honorable defence is contrived by the wise Porphyrogenitus. ​ Constantine,​ the great and holy, esteemed the fidelity and valor of the Franks; ^61 and his prophetic spirit beheld the vision of their future greatness. ​ They alone were excepted from the general prohibition:​ Hugo, king of France, was the lineal descendant of Charlemagne;​ ^62 and his daughter Bertha inherited the prerogatives of her family and nation. ​ The voice of truth and malice insensibly betrayed the fraud or error of the Imperial court. ​ The patrimonial estate of Hugo was reduced from the monarchy of France to the simple county of Arles; though it was not denied, that, in the confusion of the times, he had usurped the sovereignty of Provence, and invaded the kingdom of Italy. ​ His father was a private noble; and if Bertha derived her female descent from the Carlovingian line, every step was polluted with illegitimacy or vice.  The grandmother of Hugo was the famous Valdrada, the concubine, rather than the wife, of the second Lothair; whose adultery, divorce, and second nuptials, had provoked against him the thunders of the Vatican. ​ His mother, as she was styled, the great Bertha, was successively the wife of the count of Arles and of the marquis of Tuscany: France and Italy were scandalized by her gallantries;​ and, till the age of threescore, her lovers, of every degree, were the zealous servants of her ambition. ​ The example of maternal incontinence was copied by the king of Italy; and the three favorite concubines of Hugo were decorated with the classic names of Venus, Juno, and Semele. ^63 The daughter of Venus was granted to the solicitations of the Byzantine court: her name of Bertha was changed to that of Eudoxia; and she was wedded, or rather betrothed, to young Romanus, the future heir of the empire of the East.  The consummation of this foreign alliance was suspended by the tender age of the two parties; and, at the end of five years, the union was dissolved by the death of the virgin spouse. ​ The second wife of the emperor Romanus was a maiden of plebeian, but of Roman, birth; and their two daughters, Theophano and Anne, were given in marriage to the princes of the earth. ​ The eldest was bestowed, as the pledge of peace, on the eldest son of the great Otho, who had solicited this alliance with arms and embassies. ​ It might legally be questioned how far a Saxon was entitled to the privilege of the French nation; but every scruple was silenced by the fame and piety of a hero who had restored the empire of the West. After the death of her father-in-law and husband, Theophano governed Rome, Italy, and Germany, during the minority of her son, the third Otho; and the Latins have praised the virtues of an empress, who sacrificed to a superior duty the remembrance of her country. ^64 In the nuptials of her sister Anne, every prejudice was lost, and every consideration of dignity was superseded, by the stronger argument of necessity and fear.  A Pagan of the North, Wolodomir, great prince of Russia, aspired to a daughter of the Roman purple; and his claim was enforced by the threats of war, the promise of conversion, and the offer of a powerful succor against a domestic rebel. A victim of her religion and country, the Grecian princess was torn from the palace of her fathers, and condemned to a savage reign, and a hopeless exile on the banks of the Borysthenes,​ or in the neighborhood of the Polar circle. ^65 Yet the marriage of Anne was fortunate and fruitful: the daughter of her grandson Joroslaus was recommended by her Imperial descent; and the king of France, Henry I., sought a wife on the last borders of Europe and Christendom. ^66 [Footnote 58: The xiiith chapter, de Administratione Imperii, may be explained and rectified by the Familiae Byzantinae of Ducange.]
 +
 +[Footnote 59: Sequiturque nefas Aegyptia conjux, (Virgil, Aeneid, viii. 688.) Yet this Egyptian wife was the daughter of a long line of kings. Quid te mutavit (says Antony in a private letter to Augustus) an quod reginam ineo? Uxor mea est, (Sueton. in August. c. 69.) Yet I much question (for I cannot stay to inquire) whether the triumvir ever dared to celebrate his marriage either with Roman or Egyptian rites.]
 +
 +[Footnote 60: Berenicem invitus invitam dimisit, (Suetonius in Tito, c. 7.) Have I observed elsewhere, that this Jewish beauty was at this time above fifty years of age?  The judicious Racine has most discreetly suppressed both her age and her country.]
 +
 +[Footnote 61: Constantine was made to praise the the Franks, with whom he claimed a private and public alliance. ​ The French writers (Isaac Casaubon in Dedicat. Polybii) are highly delighted with these compliments.] [Footnote 62: Constantine Porphyrogenitus (de Administrat. Imp. c. 36) exhibits a pedigree and life of the illustrious King Hugo. A more correct idea may be formed from the Criticism of Pagi, the Annals of Muratori, and the Abridgment of St. Marc, A.D. 925 - 946.]
 +
 +[Footnote 63: After the mention of the three goddesses, Luitprand very naturally adds, et quoniam non rex solus iis abutebatur, earum nati ex incertis patribus originera ducunt, (Hist. l. iv. c. 6: ) for the marriage of the younger Bertha, see Hist. l. v. c. 5; for the incontinence of the elder, dulcis exercipio Hymenaei, l. ii. c. 15; for the virtues and vices of Hugo, l. iii. c. 5.  Yet it must not be forgot, that the bishop of Cremona was a lover of scandal.]
 +
 +[Footnote 64: Licet illa Imperatrix Graeca sibi et aliis fuisset satis utilis, et optima, &c., is the preamble of an inimical writer, apud Pagi, tom. iv. A.D. 989, No. 3.  Her marriage and principal actions may be found in Muratori, Pagi, and St. Marc, under the proper years.]
 +
 +[Footnote 65: Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 699.  Zonaras, tom. i. p. 221. Elmacin, Hist. Saracenica, l. iii. c. 6.  Nestor apud Levesque, tom. ii. p. 112 Pagi, Critica, A.D. 987, No. 6: a singular concourse! ​ Wolodomir and Anne are ranked among the saints of the Russian church. ​ Yet we know his vices, and are ignorant of her virtues.]
 +
 +[Footnote 66: Henricus primus duxit uxorem Scythicam, Russam, filiam regis Jeroslai. ​ An embassy of bishops was sent into Russia, and the father gratanter filiam cum multis donis misit. This event happened in the year 1051.  See the passages of the original chronicles in Bouquet'​s Historians of France, (tom. xi. p. 29, 159, 161, 319, 384, 481.) Voltaire might wonder at this alliance; but he should not have owned his ignorance of the country, religion, &c., of Jeroslaus - a name so conspicuous in the Russian annals.] In the Byzantine palace, the emperor was the first slave of the ceremonies which he imposed, of the rigid forms which regulated each word and gesture, besieged him in the palace, and violated the leisure of his rural solitude. ​ But the lives and fortunes of millions hung on his arbitrary will; and the firmest minds, superior to the allurements of pomp and luxury, may be seduced by the more active pleasure of commanding their equals. The legislative and executive powers were centred in the person of the monarch, and the last remains of the authority of the senate were finally eradicated by Leo the philosopher. ^67 A lethargy of servitude had benumbed the minds of the Greeks: in the wildest tumults of rebellion they never aspired to the idea of a free constitution;​ and the private character of the prince was the only source and measure of their public happiness. Superstition rivetted their chains; in the church of St. Sophia he was solemnly crowned by the patriarch; at the foot of the altar, they pledged their passive and unconditional obedience to his government and family. ​ On his side he engaged to abstain as much as possible from the capital punishments of death and mutilation; his orthodox creed was subscribed with his own hand, and he promised to obey the decrees of the seven synods, and the canons of the holy church. ^68 But the assurance of mercy was loose and indefinite: he swore, not to his people, but to an invisible judge; and except in the inexpiable guilt of heresy, the ministers of heaven were always prepared to preach the indefeasible right, and to absolve the venial transgressions,​ of their sovereign. ​ The Greek ecclesiastics were themselves the subjects of the civil magistrate: at the nod of a tyrant, the bishops were created, or transferred,​ or deposed, or punished with an ignominious death: whatever might be their wealth or influence, they could never succeed like the Latin clergy in the establishment of an independent republic; and the patriarch of Constantinople condemned, what he secretly envied, the temporal greatness of his Roman brother. ​ Yet the exercise of boundless despotism is happily checked by the laws of nature and necessity. In proportion to his wisdom and virtue, the master of an empire is confined to the path of his sacred and laborious duty.  In proportion to his vice and folly, he drops the sceptre too weighty for his hands; and the motions of the royal image are ruled by the imperceptible thread of some minister or favorite, who undertakes for his private interest to exercise the task of the public oppression. ​ In some fatal moment, the most absolute monarch may dread the reason or the caprice of a nation of slaves; and experience has proved, that whatever is gained in the extent, is lost in the safety and solidity, of regal power.
 +
 +[Footnote 67: A constitution of Leo the Philosopher (lxxviii.) ne senatus consulta amplius fiant, speaks the language of naked despotism.] [Footnote 68: Codinus (de Officiis, c. xvii. p. 120, 121) gives an idea of this oath so strong to the church, so weak to the people.] Whatever titles a despot may assume, whatever claims he may assert, it is on the sword that he must ultimately depend to guard him against his foreign and domestic enemies. ​ From the age of Charlemagne to that of the Crusades, the world (for I overlook the remote monarchy of China) was occupied and disputed by the three great empires or nations of the Greeks, the Saracens, and the Franks. ​ Their military strength may be ascertained by a comparison of their courage, their arts and riches, and their obedience to a supreme head, who might call into action all the energies of the state. ​ The Greeks, far inferior to their rivals in the first, were superior to the Franks, and at least equal to the Saracens, in the second and third of these warlike qualifications.
 +
 +The wealth of the Greeks enabled them to purchase the service of the poorer nations, and to maintain a naval power for the protection of their coasts and the annoyance of their enemies. ^69 A commerce of mutual benefit exchanged the gold of Constantinople for the blood of Sclavonians and Turks, the Bulgarians and Russians: their valor contributed to the victories of Nicephorus and Zimisces; and if a hostile people pressed too closely on the frontier, they were recalled to the defence of their country, and the desire of peace, by the well-managed attack of a more distant tribe. ^70 The command of the Mediterranean,​ from the mouth of the Tanais to the columns of Hercules, was always claimed, and often possessed, by the successors of Constantine. Their capital was filled with naval stores and dexterous artificers: the situation of Greece and Asia, the long coasts, deep gulfs, and numerous islands, accustomed their subjects to the exercise of navigation; and the trade of Venice and Amalfi supplied a nursery of seamen to the Imperial fleet. ^71 Since the time of the Peloponnesian and Punic wars, the sphere of action had not been enlarged; and the science of naval architecture appears to have declined. ​ The art of constructing those stupendous machines which displayed three, or six, or ten, ranges of oars, rising above, or falling behind, each other, was unknown to the ship-builders of Constantinople,​ as well as to the mechanicians of modern days. ^72 The Dromones, ^73 or light galleys of the Byzantine empire, were content with two tier of oars; each tier was composed of five-and-twenty benches; and two rowers were seated on each bench, who plied their oars on either side of the vessel. ​ To these we must add the captain or centurion, who, in time of action, stood erect with his armor-bearer on the poop, two steersmen at the helm, and two officers at the prow, the one to manage the anchor, the other to point and play against the enemy the tube of liquid fire.  The whole crew, as in the infancy of the art, performed the double service of mariners and soldiers; they were provided with defensive and offensive arms, with bows and arrows, which they used from the upper deck, with long pikes, which they pushed through the portholes of the lower tier.  Sometimes, indeed, the ships of war were of a larger and more solid construction;​ and the labors of combat and navigation were more regularly divided between seventy soldiers and two hundred and thirty mariners. But for the most part they were of the light and manageable size; and as the Cape of Malea in Peloponnesus was still clothed with its ancient terrors, an Imperial fleet was transported five miles over land across the Isthmus of Corinth. ^74 The principles of maritime tactics had not undergone any change since the time of Thucydides: a squadron of galleys still advanced in a crescent, charged to the front, and strove to impel their sharp beaks against the feeble sides of their antagonists. ​ A machine for casting stones and darts was built of strong timbers, in the midst of the deck; and the operation of boarding was effected by a crane that hoisted baskets of armed men.  The language of signals, so clear and copious in the naval grammar of the moderns, was imperfectly expressed by the various positions and colors of a commanding flag.  In the darkness of the night, the same orders to chase, to attack, to halt, to retreat, to break, to form, were conveyed by the lights of the leading galley. ​ By land, the fire-signals were repeated from one mountain to another; a chain of eight stations commanded a space of five hundred miles; and Constantinople in a few hours was apprised of the hostile motions of the Saracens of Tarsus. ^75 Some estimate may be formed of the power of the Greek emperors, by the curious and minute detail of the armament which was prepared for the reduction of Crete. ​ A fleet of one hundred and twelve galleys, and seventy-five vessels of the Pamphylian style, was equipped in the capital, the islands of the Aegean Sea, and the seaports of Asia, Macedonia, and Greece. It carried thirty-four thousand mariners, seven thousand three hundred and forty soldiers, seven hundred Russians, and five thousand and eighty-seven Mardaites, whose fathers had been transplanted from the mountains of Libanus. Their pay, most probably of a month, was computed at thirty-four centenaries of gold, about one hundred and thirty-six thousand pounds sterling. ​ Our fancy is bewildered by the endless recapitulation of arms and engines, of clothes and linen, of bread for the men and forage for the horses, and of stores and utensils of every description,​ inadequate to the conquest of a petty island, but amply sufficient for the establishment of a flourishing colony. ^76 [Footnote 69: If we listen to the threats of Nicephorus to the ambassador of Otho, Nec est in mari domino tuo classium numerus. Navigantium fortitudo mihi soli inest, qui eum classibus aggrediar, bello maritimas ejus civitates demoliar; et quae fluminibus sunt vicina redigam in favillam. ​ (Liutprand in Legat. ad Nicephorum Phocam, in Muratori Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. ii. pars i. p. 481.) He observes in another place, qui caeteris praestant Venetici sunt et Amalphitani.]
 +
 +[Footnote 70: Nec ipsa capiet eum (the emperor Otho) in qua ortus est pauper et pellicea Saxonia: pecunia qua pollemus omnes nationes super eum invitabimus:​ et quasi Keramicum confringemus,​ (Liutprand in Legat. p. 487.) The two books, de Administrando Imperio, perpetually inculcate the same policy.]
 +
 +[Footnote 71: The xixth chapter of the Tactics of Leo, (Meurs. Opera, tom. vi. p. 825 - 848,) which is given more correct from a manuscript of Gudius, by the laborious Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 372 - 379,) relates to the Naumachia, or naval war.]
 +
 +[Footnote 72: Even of fifteen and sixteen rows of oars, in the navy of Demetrius Poliorcetes. ​ These were for real use: the forty rows of Ptolemy Philadelphus were applied to a floating palace, whose tonnage, according to Dr. Arbuthnot, (Tables of Ancient Coins, &c., p. 231 - 236,) is compared as 4 1/2 to 1 with an English 100 gun ship.]
 +
 +[Footnote 73: The Dromones of Leo, &c., are so clearly described with two tier of oars, that I must censure the version of Meursius and Fabricius, who pervert the sense by a blind attachment to the classic appellation of Triremes. ​ The Byzantine historians are sometimes guilty of the same inaccuracy.]
 +
 +[Footnote 74: Constantin. Porphyrogen. in Vit. Basil. c. lxi. p. 185.  He calmly praises the stratagem; but the sailing round Peloponnesus is described by his terrified fancy as a circumnavigation of a thousand miles.] [Footnote 75: The continuator of Theophanes (l. iv. p. 122, 123) names the successive stations, the castle of Lulum near Tarsus, Mount Argaeus Isamus, Aegilus, the hill of Mamas, Cyrisus, Mocilus, the hill of Auxentius, the sun-dial of the Pharus of the great palace. ​ He affirms that the news were transmitted in an indivisible moment of time.  Miserable amplification,​ which, by saying too much, says nothing. ​ How much more forcible and instructive would have been the definition of three, or six, or twelve hours!] [Footnote 76: See the Ceremoniale of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,​ l. ii. c. 44, p. 176 - 192.  A critical reader will discern some inconsistencies in different parts of this account; but they are not more obscure or more stubborn than the establishment and effectives, the present and fit for duty, the rank and file and the private, of a modern return, which retain in proper hands the knowledge of these profitable mysteries.]
 +
 +The invention of the Greek fire did not, like that of gun powder, produce a total revolution in the art of war.  To these liquid combustibles the city and empire of Constantine owed their deliverance;​ and they were employed in sieges and sea-fights with terrible effect. ​ But they were either less improved, or less susceptible of improvement:​ the engines of antiquity, the catapultae, balistae, and battering-rams,​ were still of most frequent and powerful use in the attack and defence of fortifications;​ nor was the decision of battles reduced to the quick and heavy fire of a line of infantry, whom it were fruitless to protect with armor against a similar fire of their enemies. Steel and iron were still the common instruments of destruction and safety; and the helmets, cuirasses, and shields, of the tenth century did not, either in form or substance, essentially differ from those which had covered the companions of Alexander or Achilles. ^77 But instead of accustoming the modern Greeks, like the legionaries of old, to the constant and easy use of this salutary weight, their armor was laid aside in light chariots, which followed the march, till, on the approach of an enemy, they resumed with haste and reluctance the unusual encumbrance. Their offensive weapons consisted of swords, battle-axes,​ and spears; but the Macedonian pike was shortened a fourth of its length, and reduced to the more convenient measure of twelve cubits or feet.  The sharpness of the Scythian and Arabian arrows had been severely felt; and the emperors lament the decay of archery as a cause of the public misfortunes,​ and recommend, as an advice and a command, that the military youth, till the age of forty, should assiduously practise the exercise of the bow. ^78 The bands, or regiments, were usually three hundred strong; and, as a medium between the extremes of four and sixteen, the foot soldiers of Leo and Constantine were formed eight deep; but the cavalry charged in four ranks, from the reasonable consideration,​ that the weight of the front could not be increased by any pressure of the hindmost horses. ​ If the ranks of the infantry or cavalry were sometimes doubled, this cautious array betrayed a secret distrust of the courage of the troops, whose numbers might swell the appearance of the line, but of whom only a chosen band would dare to encounter the spears and swords of the Barbarians. ​ The order of battle must have varied according to the ground, the object, and the adversary; but their ordinary disposition,​ in two lines and a reserve, presented a succession of hopes and resources most agreeable to the temper as well as the judgment of the Greeks. ^79 In case of a repulse, the first line fell back into the intervals of the second; and the reserve, breaking into two divisions, wheeled round the flanks to improve the victory or cover the retreat. ​ Whatever authority could enact was accomplished,​ at least in theory, by the camps and marches, the exercises and evolutions, the edicts and books, of the Byzantine monarch. ^80 Whatever art could produce from the forge, the loom, or the laboratory, was abundantly supplied by the riches of the prince, and the industry of his numerous workmen. ​ But neither authority nor art could frame the most important machine, the soldier himself; and if the ceremonies of Constantine always suppose the safe and triumphal return of the emperor, ^81 his tactics seldom soar above the means of escaping a defeat, and procrastinating the war. ^82 Notwithstanding some transient success, the Greeks were sunk in their own esteem and that of their neighbors. ​ A cold hand and a loquacious tongue was the vulgar description of the nation: the author of the tactics was besieged in his capital; and the last of the Barbarians, who trembled at the name of the Saracens, or Franks, could proudly exhibit the medals of gold and silver which they had extorted from the feeble sovereign of Constantinople. ​ What spirit their government and character denied, might have been inspired in some degree by the influence of religion; but the religion of the Greeks could only teach them to suffer and to yield. ​ The emperor Nicephorus, who restored for a moment the discipline and glory of the Roman name, was desirous of bestowing the honors of martyrdom on the Christians who lost their lives in a holy war against the infidels. ​ But this political law was defeated by the opposition of the patriarch, the bishops, and the principal senators; and they strenuously urged the canons of St. Basil, that all who were polluted by the bloody trade of a soldier should be separated, during three years, from the communion of the faithful. ^83 [Footnote 77: See the fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters, and, in the Tactics of Leo, with the corresponding passages in those of Constantine.] [Footnote 78: (Leo, Tactic. p. 581 Constantin. p 1216.) Yet such were not the maxims of the Greeks and Romans, who despised the loose and distant practice of archery.]
 +
 +[Footnote 79: Compare the passages of the Tactics, p. 669 and 721, and the xiith with the xviiith chapter.]
 +
 +[Footnote 80: In the preface to his Tactics, Leo very freely deplores the loss of discipline and the calamities of the times, and repeats, without scruple, (Proem. p. 537,) the reproaches, nor does it appear that the same censures were less deserved in the next generation by the disciples of Constantine.] [Footnote 81: See in the Ceremonial (l. ii. c. 19, p. 353) the form of the emperor'​s trampling on the necks of the captive Saracens, while the singers chanted, "Thou hast made my enemies my footstool!"​ and the people shouted forty times the kyrie eleison.]
 +
 +[Footnote 82: Leo observes (Tactic. p. 668) that a fair open battle against any nation whatsoever: the words are strong, and the remark is true: yet if such had been the opinion of the old Romans, Leo had never reigned on the shores of the Thracian Bosphorus.]
 +
 +[Footnote 83: Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 202, 203) and Cedrenus, (Compend p. 668,) who relate the design of Nicephorus, most unfortunately apply the epithet to the opposition of the patriarch.]
 +
 +These scruples of the Greeks have been compared with the tears of the primitive Moslems when they were held back from battle; and this contrast of base superstition and high-spirited enthusiasm, unfolds to a philosophic eye the history of the rival nations. ​ The subjects of the last caliphs ^84 had undoubtedly degenerated from the zeal and faith of the companions of the prophet. ​ Yet their martial creed still represented the Deity as the author of war: ^85 the vital though latent spark of fanaticism still glowed in the heart of their religion, and among the Saracens, who dwelt on the Christian borders, it was frequently rekindled to a lively and active flame. ​ Their regular force was formed of the valiant slaves who had been educated to guard the person and accompany the standard of their lord: but the Mussulman people of Syria and Cilicia, of Africa and Spain, was awakened by the trumpet which proclaimed a holy war against the infidels. The rich were ambitious of death or victory in the cause of God; the poor were allured by the hopes of plunder; and the old, the infirm, and the women, assumed their share of meritorious service by sending their substitutes,​ with arms and horses, into the field. ​ These offensive and defensive arms were similar in strength and temper to those of the Romans, whom they far excelled in the management of the horse and the bow: the massy silver of their belts, their bridles, and their swords, displayed the magnificence of a prosperous nation; and except some black archers of the South, the Arabs disdained the naked bravery of their ancestors. ​ Instead of wagons, they were attended by a long train of camels, mules, and asses: the multitude of these animals, whom they bedecked with flags and streamers, appeared to swell the pomp and magnitude of their host; and the horses of the enemy were often disordered by the uncouth figure and odious smell of the camels of the East. Invincible by their patience of thirst and heat, their spirits were frozen by a winter'​s cold, and the consciousness of their propensity to sleep exacted the most rigorous precautions against the surprises of the night. ​ Their order of battle was a long square of two deep and solid lines; the first of archers, the second of cavalry. ​ In their engagements by sea and land, they sustained with patient firmness the fury of the attack, and seldom advanced to the charge till they could discern and oppress the lassitude of their foes.  But if they were repulsed and broken, they knew not how to rally or renew the combat; and their dismay was heightened by the superstitious prejudice, that God had declared himself on the side of their enemies. ​ The decline and fall of the caliphs countenanced this fearful opinion; nor were there wanting, among the Mahometans and Christians, some obscure prophecies ^86 which prognosticated their alternate defeats. ​ The unity of the Arabian empire was dissolved, but the independent fragments were equal to populous and powerful kingdoms; and in their naval and military armaments, an emir of Aleppo or Tunis might command no despicable fund of skill, and industry, and treasure. ​ In their transactions of peace and war with the Saracens, the princes of Constantinople too often felt that these Barbarians had nothing barbarous in their discipline; and that if they were destitute of original genius, they had been endowed with a quick spirit of curiosity and imitation. ​ The model was indeed more perfect than the copy; their ships, and engines, and fortifications,​ were of a less skilful construction;​ and they confess, without shame, that the same God who has given a tongue to the Arabians, had more nicely fashioned the hands of the Chinese, and the heads of the Greeks. ^87
 +
 +[Footnote 84: The xviith chapter of the tactics of the different nations is the most historical and useful of the whole collection of Leo.  The manners and arms of the Saracens (Tactic. p. 809 - 817, and a fragment from the Medicean Ms. in the preface of the vith volume of Meursius) the Roman emperor was too frequently called upon to study.]
 +
 +[Footnote 85: Leon. Tactic. p. 809.]
 +
 +[Footnote 86: Liutprand (p. 484, 485) relates and interprets the oracles of the Greeks and Saracens, in which, after the fashion of prophecy, the past is clear and historical, the future is dark, enigmatical,​ and erroneous. From this boundary of light and shade an impartial critic may commonly determine the date of the composition.]
 +
 +[Footnote 87: The sense of this distinction is expressed by Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 2, 62, 101;) but I cannot recollect the passage in which it is conveyed by this lively apothegm.]
 +
 +====== Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire. ======
 +
 +===== Part IV. =====
 +
 +A name of some German tribes between the Rhine and the Weser had spread its victorious influence over the greatest part of Gaul, Germany, and Italy; and the common appellation of Franks ^88 was applied by the Greeks and Arabians to the Christians of the Latin church, the nations of the West, who stretched beyond their knowledge to the shores of the Atlantic Ocean. ​ The vast body had been inspired and united by the soul of Charlemagne;​ but the division and degeneracy of his race soon annihilated the Imperial power, which would have rivalled the Caesars of Byzantium, and revenged the indignities of the Christian name. The enemies no longer feared, nor could the subjects any longer trust, the application of a public revenue, the labors of trade and manufactures in the military service, the mutual aid of provinces and armies, and the naval squadrons which were regularly stationed from the mouth of the Elbe to that of the Tyber. ​ In the beginning of the tenth century, the family of Charlemagne had almost disappeared;​ his monarchy was broken into many hostile and independent states; the regal title was assumed by the most ambitious chiefs; their revolt was imitated in a long subordination of anarchy and discord, and the nobles of every province disobeyed their sovereign, oppressed their vassals, and exercised perpetual hostilities against their equals and neighbors. ​ Their private wars, which overturned the fabric of government, fomented the martial spirit of the nation. ​ In the system of modern Europe, the power of the sword is possessed, at least in fact, by five or six mighty potentates; their operations are conducted on a distant frontier, by an order of men who devote their lives to the study and practice of the military art: the rest of the country and community enjoys in the midst of war the tranquillity of peace, and is only made sensible of the change by the aggravation or decrease of the public taxes. ​ In the disorders of the tenth and eleventh centuries, every peasant was a soldier, and every village a fortification;​ each wood or valley was a scene of murder and rapine; and the lords of each castle were compelled to assume the character of princes and warriors. ​ To their own courage and policy they boldly trusted for the safety of their family, the protection of their lands, and the revenge of their injuries; and, like the conquerors of a larger size, they were too apt to transgress the privilege of defensive war.  The powers of the mind and body were hardened by the presence of danger and necessity of resolution: the same spirit refused to desert a friend and to forgive an enemy; and, instead of sleeping under the guardian care of a magistrate, they proudly disdained the authority of the laws.  In the days of feudal anarchy, the instruments of agriculture and art were converted into the weapons of bloodshed: the peaceful occupations of civil and ecclesiastical society were abolished or corrupted; and the bishop who exchanged his mitre for a helmet, was more forcibly urged by the manners of the times than by the obligation of his tenure. ^89 [Footnote 88: Ex Francis, quo nomine tam Latinos quam Teutones comprehendit,​ ludum habuit, (Liutprand in Legat ad Imp. Nicephorum, p. 483, 484.) This extension of the name may be confirmed from Constantine (de Administrando Imperio, l. 2, c. 27, 28) and Eutychius, (Annal. tom. i. p. 55, 56,) who both lived before the Crusades. ​ The testimonies of Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 69) and Abulfeda (Praefat. ad Geograph.) are more recent]
 +
 +[Footnote 89: On this subject of ecclesiastical and beneficiary discipline, Father Thomassin, (tom. iii. l. i. c. 40, 45, 46, 47) may be usefully consulted. ​ A general law of Charlemagne exempted the bishops from personal service; but the opposite practice, which prevailed from the ixth to the xvth century, is countenanced by the example or silence of saints and doctors .... You justify your cowardice by the holy canons, says Ratherius of Verona; the canons likewise forbid you to whore, and yet - ]
 +
 +The love of freedom and of arms was felt, with conscious pride, by the Franks themselves, and is observed by the Greeks with some degree of amazement and terror. ​ "The Franks,"​ says the emperor Constantine,​ "are bold and valiant to the verge of temerity; and their dauntless spirit is supported by the contempt of danger and death. ​ In the field and in close onset, they press to the front, and rush headlong against the enemy, without deigning to compute either his numbers or their own.  Their ranks are formed by the firm connections of consanguinity and friendship; and their martial deeds are prompted by the desire of saving or revenging their dearest companions. ​ In their eyes, a retreat is a shameful flight; and flight is indelible infamy."​ ^90 A nation endowed with such high and intrepid spirit, must have been secure of victory if these advantages had not been counter-balanced by many weighty defects. ​ The decay of their naval power left the Greeks and Saracens in possession of the sea, for every purpose of annoyance and supply. ​ In the age which preceded the institution of knighthood, the Franks were rude and unskilful in the service of cavalry; ^91 and in all perilous emergencies,​ their warriors were so conscious of their ignorance, that they chose to dismount from their horses and fight on foot. Unpractised in the use of pikes, or of missile weapons, they were encumbered by the length of their swords, the weight of their armor, the magnitude of their shields, and, if I may repeat the satire of the meagre Greeks, by their unwieldy intemperance. Their independent spirit disdained the yoke of subordination,​ and abandoned the standard of their chief, if he attempted to keep the field beyond the term of their stipulation or service. ​ On all sides they were open to the snares of an enemy less brave but more artful than themselves. ​ They might be bribed, for the Barbarians were venal; or surprised in the night, for they neglected the precautions of a close encampment or vigilant sentinels. ​ The fatigues of a summer'​s campaign exhausted their strength and patience, and they sunk in despair if their voracious appetite was disappointed of a plentiful supply of wine and of food.  This general character of the Franks was marked with some national and local shades, which I should ascribe to accident rather than to climate, but which were visible both to natives and to foreigners. ​ An ambassador of the great Otho declared, in the palace of Constantinople,​ that the Saxons could dispute with swords better than with pens, and that they preferred inevitable death to the dishonor of turning their backs to an enemy. ^92 It was the glory of the nobles of France, that, in their humble dwellings, war and rapine were the only pleasure, the sole occupation, of their lives. They affected to deride the palaces, the banquets, the polished manner of the Italians, who in the estimate of the Greeks themselves had degenerated from the liberty and valor of the ancient Lombards. ^93
 +
 +[Footnote 90: In the xviiith chapter of his Tactics, the emperor Leo has fairly stated the military vices and virtues of the Franks (whom Meursius ridiculously translates by Galli) and the Lombards or Langobards. ​ See likewise the xxvith Dissertation of Muratori de Antiquitatibus Italiae Medii Aevi.]
 +
 +[Footnote 91: Domini tui milites (says the proud Nicephorus) equitandi ignari pedestris pugnae sunt inscii: scutorum magnitudo, loricarum gravitudo, ensium longitudo galearumque pondus neutra parte pugnare cossinit; ac subridens, impedit, inquit, et eos gastrimargia,​ hoc est ventris ingluvies, &c. Liutprand in Legat. p. 480 481]
 +
 +[Footnote 92: In Saxonia certe scio .... decentius ensibus pugnare quam calanis, et prius mortem obire quam hostibus terga dare, (Liutprand, p 482.)] [Footnote 93: Leonis Tactica, c. 18, p. 805.  The emperor Leo died A.D. 911: an historical poem, which ends in 916, and appears to have been composed in 910, by a native of Venetia, discriminates in these verses the manners of Italy and France:
 +
 +- Quid inertia bello Pectora (Ubertus ait) duris praetenditis armis, O Itali? ​ Potius vobis sacra pocula cordi; Saepius et stomachum nitidis laxare saginis Elatasque domos rutilo fulcire metallo. Non eadem Gallos similis vel cura remordet: Vicinas quibus est studium devincere terras, Depressumque larem spoliis hinc inde coactis Sustentare -
 +
 +(Anonym. Carmen Panegyricum de Laudibus Berengarii Augusti, l. n. in Muratori Script. Rerum Italic. tom. ii. pars i. p. 393.)]
 +
 +By the well-known edict of Caracalla, his subjects, from Britain to Egypt, were entitled to the name and privileges of Romans, and their national sovereign might fix his occasional or permanent residence in any province of their common country. ​ In the division of the East and West, an ideal unity was scrupulously observed, and in their titles, laws, and statutes, the successors of Arcadius and Honorius announced themselves as the inseparable colleagues of the same office, as the joint sovereigns of the Roman world and city, which were bounded by the same limits. ​ After the fall of the Western monarchy, the majesty of the purple resided solely in the princes of Constantinople;​ and of these, Justinian was the first who, after a divorce of sixty years, regained the dominion of ancient Rome, and asserted, by the right of conquest, the august title of Emperor of the Romans. ^94 A motive of vanity or discontent solicited one of his successors, Constans the Second, to abandon the Thracian Bosphorus, and to restore the pristine honors of the Tyber: an extravagant project, (exclaims the malicious Byzantine,) as if he had despoiled a beautiful and blooming virgin, to enrich, or rather to expose, the deformity of a wrinkled and decrepit matron. ^95 But the sword of the Lombards opposed his settlement in Italy: he entered Rome not as a conqueror, but as a fugitive, and, after a visit of twelve days, he pillaged, and forever deserted, the ancient capital of the world. ^96 The final revolt and separation of Italy was accomplished about two centuries after the conquests of Justinian, and from his reign we may date the gradual oblivion of the Latin tongue. ​ That legislator had composed his Institutes, his Code, and his Pandects, in a language which he celebrates as the proper and public style of the Roman government, the consecrated idiom of the palace and senate of Constantinople,​ of the campus and tribunals of the East. ^97 But this foreign dialect was unknown to the people and soldiers of the Asiatic provinces, it was imperfectly understood by the greater part of the interpreters of the laws and the ministers of the state. ​ After a short conflict, nature and habit prevailed over the obsolete institutions of human power: for the general benefit of his subjects, Justinian promulgated his novels in the two languages: the several parts of his voluminous jurisprudence were successively translated; ^98 the original was forgotten, the version was studied, and the Greek, whose intrinsic merit deserved indeed the preference, obtained a legal, as well as popular establishment in the Byzantine monarchy. ​ The birth and residence of succeeding princes estranged them from the Roman idiom: Tiberius by the Arabs, ^99 and Maurice by the Italians, ^100 are distinguished as the first of the Greek Caesars, as the founders of a new dynasty and empire: the silent revolution was accomplished before the death of Heraclius; and the ruins of the Latin speech were darkly preserved in the terms of jurisprudence and the acclamations of the palace. ​ After the restoration of the Western empire by Charlemagne and the Othos, the names of Franks and Latins acquired an equal signification and extent; and these haughty Barbarians asserted, with some justice, their superior claim to the language and dominion of Rome.  They insulted the alien of the East who had renounced the dress and idiom of Romans; and their reasonable practice will justify the frequent appellation of Greeks. ^101 But this contemptuous appellation was indignantly rejected by the prince and people to whom it was applied. ​ Whatsoever changes had been introduced by the lapse of ages, they alleged a lineal and unbroken succession from Augustus and Constantine;​ and, in the lowest period of degeneracy and decay, the name of Romans adhered to the last fragments of the empire of Constantinople. ^102
 +
 +[Footnote 94: Justinian, says the historian Agathias, (l. v. p. 157,). Yet the specific title of Emperor of the Romans was not used at Constantinople,​ till it had been claimed by the French and German emperors of old Rome.] [Footnote 95: Constantine Manasses reprobates this design in his barbarous verse, and it is confirmed by Theophanes, Zonaras, Cedrenus, and the Historia Miscella: voluit in urbem Romam Imperium transferre, (l. xix. p. 157 in tom. i. pars i. of the Scriptores Rer. Ital. of Muratori.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 96: Paul. Diacon. l. v. c. 11, p. 480.  Anastasius in Vitis Pontificum, in Muratori'​s Collection, tom. iii. pars i. p. 141.] [Footnote 97: Consult the preface of Ducange, (ad Gloss, Graec. Medii Aevi) and the Novels of Justinian, (vii. lxvi.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 98: (Matth. Blastares, Hist. Juris, apud Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. xii. p. 369.) The Code and Pandects (the latter by Thalelaeus) were translated in the time of Justinian, (p. 358, 366.) Theophilus one of the original triumvirs, has left an elegant, though diffuse, paraphrase of the Institutes. ​ On the other hand, Julian, antecessor of Constantinople,​ (A.D. 570,) cxx. Novellas Graecas eleganti Latinitate donavit (Heineccius,​ Hist. J. R. p. 396) for the use of Italy and Africa.]
 +
 +[Footnote 99: Abulpharagius assigns the viith Dynasty to the Franks or Romans, the viiith to the Greeks, the ixth to the Arabs. ​ A tempore Augusti Caesaris donec imperaret Tiberius Caesar spatio circiter annorum 600 fuerunt Imperatores C. P. Patricii, et praecipua pars exercitus Romani: extra quod, conciliarii,​ scribae et populus, omnes Graeci fuerunt: deinde regnum etiam Graecanicum factum est, (p. 96, vers. Pocock.) The Christian and ecclesiastical studies of Abulpharagius gave him some advantage over the more ignorant Moslems.]
 +
 +[Footnote 100: Primus ex Graecorum genere in Imperio confirmatus est; or according to another Ms. of Paulus Diaconus, (l. iii. c. 15, p. 443,) in Orasorum Imperio.]
 +
 +[Footnote 101: Quia linguam, mores, vestesque mutastis, putavit Sanctissimus Papa. (an audacious irony,) ita vos (vobis) displicere Romanorum nomen. His nuncios, rogabant Nicephorum Imperatorem Graecorum, ut cum Othone Imperatore Romanorum amicitiam faceret, (Liutprand in Legatione, p. 486.) Note: Sicut et vestem. ​ These words follow in the text of Liutprand, (apud Murat. Script. Ital. tom. ii. p. 486, to which Gibbon refers.) But with some inaccuracy or confusion, which rarely occurs in Gibbon'​s references, the rest of the quotation, which as it stands is unintelligible,​ does not appear - M.]
 +
 +[Footnote 102: By Laonicus Chalcocondyles,​ who survived the last siege of Constantinople,​ the account is thus stated, (l. i. p. 3.) Constantine transplanted his Latins of Italy to a Greek city of Thrace: they adopted the language and manners of the natives, who were confounded with them under the name of Romans. ​ The kings of Constantinople,​ says the historian.] While the government of the East was transacted in Latin, the Greek was the language of literature and philosophy; nor could the masters of this rich and perfect idiom be tempted to envy the borrowed learning and imitative taste of their Roman disciples. ​ After the fall of Paganism, the loss of Syria and Egypt, and the extinction of the schools of Alexandria and Athens, the studies of the Greeks insensibly retired to some regular monasteries,​ and above all, to the royal college of Constantinople,​ which was burnt in the reign of Leo the Isaurian. ^103 In the pompous style of the age, the president of that foundation was named the Sun of Science: his twelve associates, the professors in the different arts and faculties, were the twelve signs of the zodiac; a library of thirty-six thousand five hundred volumes was open to their inquiries; and they could show an ancient manuscript of Homer, on a roll of parchment one hundred and twenty feet in length, the intestines, as it was fabled, of a prodigious serpent. ^104 But the seventh and eight centuries were a period of discord and darkness: the library was burnt, the college was abolished, the Iconoclasts are represented as the foes of antiquity; and a savage ignorance and contempt of letters has disgraced the princes of the Heraclean and Isaurian dynasties. ^105
 +
 +[Footnote 103: See Ducange, (C. P. Christiana, l. ii. p. 150, 151,) who collects the testimonies,​ not of Theophanes, but at least of Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xv. p. 104,) Cedrenus, (p. 454,) Michael Glycas, (p. 281,) Constantine Manasses, (p. 87.) After refuting the absurd charge against the emperor, Spanheim, (Hist. Imaginum, p. 99 - 111,) like a true advocate, proceeds to doubt or deny the reality of the fire, and almost of the library.] [Footnote 104: According to Malchus, (apud Zonar. l. xiv. p. 53,) this Homer was burnt in the time of Basiliscus. ​ The Ms. might be renewed - But on a serpent'​s skin?  Most strange and incredible!]
 +
 +[Footnote 105: The words of Zonaras, and of Cedrenus, are strong words, perhaps not ill suited to those reigns.]
 +
 +In the ninth century we trace the first dawnings of the restoration of science. ^106 After the fanaticism of the Arabs had subsided, the caliphs aspired to conquer the arts, rather than the provinces, of the empire: their liberal curiosity rekindled the emulation of the Greeks, brushed away the dust from their ancient libraries, and taught them to know and reward the philosophers,​ whose labors had been hitherto repaid by the pleasure of study and the pursuit of truth. ​ The Caesar Bardas, the uncle of Michael the Third, was the generous protector of letters, a title which alone has preserved his memory and excused his ambition. ​ A particle of the treasures of his nephew was sometimes diverted from the indulgence of vice and folly; a school was opened in the palace of Magnaura; and the presence of Bardas excited the emulation of the masters and students. ​ At their head was the philosopher Leo, archbishop of Thessalonica:​ his profound skill in astronomy and the mathematics was admired by the strangers of the East; and this occult science was magnified by vulgar credulity, which modestly supposes that all knowledge superior to its own must be the effect of inspiration or magic. ​ At the pressing entreaty of the Caesar, his friend, the celebrated Photius, ^107 renounced the freedom of a secular and studious life, ascended the patriarchal throne, and was alternately excommunicated and absolved by the synods of the East and West.  By the confession even of priestly hatred, no art or science, except poetry, was foreign to this universal scholar, who was deep in thought, indefatigable in reading, and eloquent in diction. ​ Whilst he exercised the office of protospathaire or captain of the guards, Photius was sent ambassador to the caliph of Bagdad. ^108 The tedious hours of exile, perhaps of confinement,​ were beguiled by the hasty composition of his Library, a living monument of erudition and criticism. ​ Two hundred and fourscore writers, historians, orators, philosophers,​ theologians,​ are reviewed without any regular method: he abridges their narrative or doctrine, appreciates their style and character, and judges even the fathers of the church with a discreet freedom, which often breaks through the superstition of the times. ​ The emperor Basil, who lamented the defects of his own education, intrusted to the care of Photius his son and successor, Leo the philosopher;​ and the reign of that prince and of his son Constantine Porphyrogenitus forms one of the most prosperous aeras of the Byzantine literature. ​ By their munificence the treasures of antiquity were deposited in the Imperial library; by their pens, or those of their associates, they were imparted in such extracts and abridgments as might amuse the curiosity, without oppressing the indolence, of the public. ​ Besides the Basilics, or code of laws, the arts of husbandry and war, of feeding or destroying the human species, were propagated with equal diligence; and the history of Greece and Rome was digested into fifty-three heads or titles, of which two only (of embassies, and of virtues and vices) have escaped the injuries of time. In every station, the reader might contemplate the image of the past world, apply the lesson or warning of each page, and learn to admire, perhaps to imitate, the examples of a brighter period. ​ I shall not expatiate on the works of the Byzantine Greeks, who, by the assiduous study of the ancients, have deserved, in some measure, the remembrance and gratitude of the moderns. ​ The scholars of the present age may still enjoy the benefit of the philosophical commonplace book of Stobaeus, the grammatical and historical lexicon of Suidas, the Chiliads of Tzetzes, which comprise six hundred narratives in twelve thousand verses, and the commentaries on Homer of Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica,​ who, from his horn of plenty, has poured the names and authorities of four hundred writers. From these originals, and from the numerous tribe of scholiasts and critics, ^109 some estimate may be formed of the literary wealth of the twelfth century: Constantinople was enlightened by the genius of Homer and Demosthenes,​ of Aristotle and Plato: and in the enjoyment or neglect of our present riches, we must envy the generation that could still peruse the history of Theopompus, the orations of Hyperides, the comedies of Menander, ^110 and the odes of Alcaeus and Sappho. ​ The frequent labor of illustration attests not only the existence, but the popularity, of the Grecian classics: the general knowledge of the age may be deduced from the example of two learned females, the empress Eudocia, and the princess Anna Comnena, who cultivated, in the purple, the arts of rhetoric and philosophy. ^111 The vulgar dialect of the city was gross and barbarous: a more correct and elaborate style distinguished the discourse, or at least the compositions,​ of the church and palace, which sometimes affected to copy the purity of the Attic models.
 +
 +[Footnote 106: See Zonaras (l. xvi. p. 160, 161) and Cedrenus, (p. 549, 550.) Like Friar Bacon, the philosopher Leo has been transformed by ignorance into a conjurer; yet not so undeservedly,​ if he be the author of the oracles more commonly ascribed to the emperor of the same name.  The physics of Leo in Ms. are in the library of Vienna, (Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p 366, tom. xii. p. 781.) Qui serant!]
 +
 +[Footnote 107: The ecclesiastical and literary character of Photius is copiously discussed by Hanckius (de Scriptoribus Byzant. p. 269, 396) and Fabricius.]
 +
 +[Footnote 108: It can only mean Bagdad, the seat of the caliphs and the relation of his embassy might have been curious and instructive. ​ But how did he procure his books? ​ A library so numerous could neither be found at Bagdad, nor transported with his baggage, nor preserved in his memory. Yet the last, however incredible, seems to be affirmed by Photius himself. ​ Camusat (Hist. Critique des Journaux, p. 87 - 94) gives a good account of the Myriobiblon.] [Footnote 109: Of these modern Greeks, see the respective articles in the Bibliotheca Graeca of Fabricius - a laborious work, yet susceptible of a better method and many improvements;​ of Eustathius, (tom. i. p. 289 - 292, 306 - 329,) of the Pselli, (a diatribe of Leo Allatius, ad calcem tom. v., of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,​ tom. vi. p. 486 - 509) of John Stobaeus, (tom. viii., 665 - 728,) of Suidas, (tom. ix. p. 620 - 827,) John Tzetzes, (tom. xii. p. 245 - 273.) Mr. Harris, in his Philological Arrangements,​ opus senile, has given a sketch of this Byzantine learning, (p. 287 - 300.)] [Footnote 110: From the obscure and hearsay evidence, Gerard Vossius (de Poetis Graecis, c. 6) and Le Clerc (Bibliotheque Choisie, tom. xix. p. 285) mention a commentary of Michael Psellus on twenty-four plays of Menander, still extant in Ms. at Constantinople. ​ Yet such classic studies seem incompatible with the gravity or dulness of a schoolman, who pored over the categories, (de Psellis, p. 42;) and Michael has probably been confounded with Homerus Sellius, who wrote arguments to the comedies of Menander. ​ In the xth century, Suidas quotes fifty plays, but he often transcribes the old scholiast of Aristophanes.]
 +
 +[Footnote 111: Anna Comnena may boast of her Greek style, and Zonaras her contemporary,​ but not her flatterer, may add with truth. The princess was conversant with the artful dialogues of Plato; and had studied quadrivium of astrology, geometry, arithmetic, and music, (see he preface to the Alexiad, with Ducange'​s notes)]
 +
 +In our modern education, the painful though necessary attainment of two languages, which are no longer living, may consume the time and damp the ardor of the youthful student. ​ The poets and orators were long imprisoned in the barbarous dialects of our Western ancestors, devoid of harmony or grace; and their genius, without precept or example, was abandoned to the rule and native powers of their judgment and fancy. ​ But the Greeks of Constantinople,​ after purging away the impurities of their vulgar speech, acquired the free use of their ancient language, the most happy composition of human art, and a familiar knowledge of the sublime masters who had pleased or instructed the first of nations. ​ But these advantages only tend to aggravate the reproach and shame of a degenerate people. ​ They held in their lifeless hands the riches of their fathers, without inheriting the spirit which had created and improved that sacred patrimony: they read, they praised, they compiled, but their languid souls seemed alike incapable of thought and action. ​ In the revolution of ten centuries, not a single discovery was made to exalt the dignity or promote the happiness of mankind. ​ Not a single idea has been added to the speculative systems of antiquity, and a succession of patient disciples became in their turn the dogmatic teachers of the next servile generation. Not a single composition of history, philosophy, or literature, has been saved from oblivion by the intrinsic beauties of style or sentiment, of original fancy, or even of successful imitation. ​ In prose, the least offensive of the Byzantine writers are absolved from censure by their naked and unpresuming simplicity: but the orators, most eloquent ^112 in their own conceit, are the farthest removed from the models whom they affect to emulate. ​ In every page our taste and reason are wounded by the choice of gigantic and obsolete words, a stiff and intricate phraseology,​ the discord of images, the childish play of false or unseasonable ornament, and the painful attempt to elevate themselves, to astonish the reader, and to involve a trivial meaning in the smoke of obscurity and exaggeration. Their prose is soaring to the vicious affectation of poetry: their poetry is sinking below the flatness and insipidity of prose. The tragic, epic, and lyric muses, were silent and inglorious: the bards of Constantinople seldom rose above a riddle or epigram, a panegyric or tale; they forgot even the rules of prosody; and with the melody of Homer yet sounding in their ears, they confound all measure of feet and syllables in the impotent strains which have received the name of political or city verses. ^113 The minds of the Greek were bound in the fetters of a base and imperious superstition which extends her dominion round the circle of profane science. Their understandings were bewildered in metaphysical controversy:​ in the belief of visions and miracles, they had lost all principles of moral evidence, and their taste was vitiates by the homilies of the monks, an absurd medley of declamation and Scripture. Even these contemptible studies were no longer dignified by the abuse of superior talents: the leaders of the Greek church were humbly content to admire and copy the oracles of antiquity, nor did the schools of pulpit produce any rivals of the fame of Athanasius and Chrysostom. ^114
 +
 +[Footnote 112: To censure the Byzantine taste. ​ Ducange (Praefat. Gloss. Graec. p. 17) strings the authorities of Aulus Gellius, Jerom, Petronius George Hamartolus, Longinus; who give at once the precept and the example.] [Footnote 113: The versus politici, those common prostitutes,​ as, from their easiness, they are styled by Leo Allatius, usually consist of fifteen syllables. ​ They are used by Constantine Manasses, John Tzetzes, &c. (Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. iii. p. i. p. 345, 346, edit. Basil, 1762.)] [Footnote 114: As St. Bernard of the Latin, so St. John Damascenus in the viiith century is revered as the last father of the Greek, church.] In all the pursuits of active and speculative life, the emulation of states and individuals is the most powerful spring of the efforts and improvements of mankind. ​ The cities of ancient Greece were cast in the happy mixture of union and independence,​ which is repeated on a larger scale, but in a looser form, by the nations of modern Europe; the union of language, religion, and manners, which renders them the spectators and judges of each other'​s merit; ^115 the independence of government and interest, which asserts their separate freedom, and excites them to strive for preeminence in the career of glory. ​ The situation of the Romans was less favorable; yet in the early ages of the republic, which fixed the national character, a similar emulation was kindled among the states of Latium and Italy; and in the arts and sciences, they aspired to equal or surpass their Grecian masters. ​ The empire of the Caesars undoubtedly checked the activity and progress of the human mind; its magnitude might indeed allow some scope for domestic competition;​ but when it was gradually reduced, at first to the East and at last to Greece and Constantinople,​ the Byzantine subjects were degraded to an abject and languid temper, the natural effect of their solitary and insulated state. ​ From the North they were oppressed by nameless tribes of Barbarians, to whom they scarcely imparted the appellation of men.  The language and religion of the more polished Arabs were an insurmountable bar to all social intercourse. ​ The conquerors of Europe were their brethren in the Christian faith; but the speech of the Franks or Latins was unknown, their manners were rude, and they were rarely connected, in peace or war, with the successors of Heraclius. ​ Alone in the universe, the self-satisfied pride of the Greeks was not disturbed by the comparison of foreign merit; and it is no wonder if they fainted in the race, since they had neither competitors to urge their speed, nor judges to crown their victory. ​ The nations of Europe and Asia were mingled by the expeditions to the Holy Land; and it is under the Comnenian dynasty that a faint emulation of knowledge and military virtue was rekindled in the Byzantine empire. [Footnote 115: Hume's Essays, vol. i. p. 125]
 +
 +====== Chapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians. ======
 +
 +===== Part I. =====
 +
 +Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians. - Their Persecution By The Greek Emperors. - Revolt In Armenia &c. - Transplantation Into Thrace. - Propagation In The West. - The Seeds, Character, And Consequences Of The Reformation.
 +
 +In the profession of Christianity,​ the variety of national characters may be clearly distinguished. ​ The natives of Syria and Egypt abandoned their lives to lazy and contemplative devotion: Rome again aspired to the dominion of the world; and the wit of the lively and loquacious Greeks was consumed in the disputes of metaphysical theology. ​ The incomprehensible mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation,​ instead of commanding their silent submission, were agitated in vehement and subtile controversies,​ which enlarged their faith at the expense, perhaps, of their charity and reason. ​ From the council of Nice to the end of the seventh century, the peace and unity of the church was invaded by these spiritual wars; and so deeply did they affect the decline and fall of the empire, that the historian has too often been compelled to attend the synods, to explore the creeds, and to enumerate the sects, of this busy period of ecclesiastical annals. ​ From the beginning of the eighth century to the last ages of the Byzantine empire, the sound of controversy was seldom heard: curiosity was exhausted, zeal was fatigued, and, in the decrees of six councils, the articles of the Catholic faith had been irrevocably defined. The spirit of dispute, however vain and pernicious, requires some energy and exercise of the mental faculties; and the prostrate Greeks were content to fast, to pray, and to believe in blind obedience to the patriarch and his clergy. During a long dream of superstition,​ the Virgin and the Saints, their visions and miracles, their relics and images, were preached by the monks, and worshipped by the people; and the appellation of people might be extended, without injustice, to the first ranks of civil society. ​ At an unseasonable moment, the Isaurian emperors attempted somewhat rudely to awaken their subjects: under their influence reason might obtain some proselytes, a far greater number was swayed by interest or fear; but the Eastern world embraced or deplored their visible deities, and the restoration of images was celebrated as the feast of orthodoxy. ​ In this passive and unanimous state the ecclesiastical rulers were relieved from the toil, or deprived of the pleasure, of persecution. ​ The Pagans had disappeared;​ the Jews were silent and obscure; the disputes with the Latins were rare and remote hostilities against a national enemy; and the sects of Egypt and Syria enjoyed a free toleration under the shadow of the Arabian caliphs. ​ About the middle of the seventh century, a branch of Manichaeans was selected as the victims of spiritual tyranny; their patience was at length exasperated to despair and rebellion; and their exile has scattered over the West the seeds of reformation. ​ These important events will justify some inquiry into the doctrine and story of the Paulicians; ^1 and, as they cannot plead for themselves, our candid criticism will magnify the good, and abate or suspect the evil, that is reported by their adversaries.
 +
 +[Footnote 1: The errors and virtues of the Paulicians are weighed, with his usual judgment and candor, by the learned Mosheim, (Hist. Ecclesiast. seculum ix. p. 311, &c.) He draws his original intelligence from Photius (contra Manichaeos, l. i.) and Peter Siculus, (Hist. Manichaeorum.) The first of these accounts has not fallen into my hands; the second, which Mosheim prefers, I have read in a Latin version inserted in the Maxima Bibliotheca Patrum, (tom. xvi. p. 754 - 764,) from the edition of the Jesuit Raderus, (Ingolstadii,​ 1604, in 4to.)
 +
 +Note: Compare Hallam'​s Middle Ages, p. 461 - 471.  Mr. Hallam justly observes that this chapter "​appears to be accurate as well as luminous, and is at least far superior to any modern work on the subject."​ - M.] The Gnostics, who had distracted the infancy, were oppressed by the greatness and authority, of the church. ​ Instead of emulating or surpassing the wealth, learning, and numbers of the Catholics, their obscure remnant was driven from the capitals of the East and West, and confined to the villages and mountains along the borders of the Euphrates. ​ Some vestige of the Marcionites may be detected in the fifth century; ^2 but the numerous sects were finally lost in the odious name of the Manichaeans;​ and these heretics, who presumed to reconcile the doctrines of Zoroaster and Christ, were pursued by the two religions with equal and unrelenting hatred. ​ Under the grandson of Heraclius, in the neighborhood of Samosata, more famous for the birth of Lucian than for the title of a Syrian kingdom, a reformer arose, esteemed by the Paulicians as the chosen messenger of truth. ​ In his humble dwelling of Mananalis, Constantine entertained a deacon, who returned from Syrian captivity, and received the inestimable gift of the New Testament, which was already concealed from the vulgar by the prudence of the Greek, and perhaps of the Gnostic, clergy. ^3 These books became the measure of his studies and the rule of his faith; and the Catholics, who dispute his interpretation,​ acknowledge that his text was genuine and sincere. ​ But he attached himself with peculiar devotion to the writings and character of St. Paul: the name of the Paulicians is derived by their enemies from some unknown and domestic teacher; but I am confident that they gloried in their affinity to the apostle of the Gentiles. ​ His disciples, Titus, Timothy, Sylvanus, Tychicus, were represented by Constantine and his fellow-laborers:​ the names of the apostolic churches were applied to the congregations which they assembled in Armenia and Cappadocia; and this innocent allegory revived the example and memory of the first ages.  In the Gospel, and the Epistles of St. Paul, his faithful follower investigated the Creed of primitive Christianity;​ and, whatever might be the success, a Protestant reader will applaud the spirit, of the inquiry. But if the Scriptures of the Paulicians were pure, they were not perfect. Their founders rejected the two Epistles of St. Peter, ^4 the apostle of the circumcision,​ whose dispute with their favorite for the observance of the law could not easily be forgiven. ^5 They agreed with their Gnostic brethren in the universal contempt for the Old Testament, the books of Moses and the prophets, which have been consecrated by the decrees of the Catholic church. With equal boldness, and doubtless with more reason, Constantine,​ the new Sylvanus, disclaimed the visions, which, in so many bulky and splendid volumes, had been published by the Oriental sects; ^6 the fabulous productions of the Hebrew patriarchs and the sages of the East; the spurious gospels, epistles, and acts, which in the first age had overwhelmed the orthodox code; the theology of Manes, and the authors of the kindred heresies; and the thirty generations,​ or aeons, which had been created by the fruitful fancy of Valentine. ​ The Paulicians sincerely condemned the memory and opinions of the Manichaean sect, and complained of the injustice which impressed that invidious name on the simple votaries of St. Paul and of Christ. [Footnote 2: In the time of Theodoret, the diocese of Cyrrhus, in Syria, contained eight hundred villages. ​ Of these, two were inhabited by Arians and Eunomians, and eight by Marcionites,​ whom the laborious bishop reconciled to the Catholic church, (Dupin, Bibliot. Ecclesiastique,​ tom. iv. p. 81, 82.)] [Footnote 3: Nobis profanis ista (sacra Evangelia) legere non licet sed sacerdotibus duntaxat, was the first scruple of a Catholic when he was advised to read the Bible, (Petr. Sicul. p. 761.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 4: In rejecting the second Epistle of St. Peter, the Paulicians are justified by some of the most respectable of the ancients and moderns, (see Wetstein ad loc., Simon, Hist. Critique du Nouveau Testament, c. 17.) They likewise overlooked the Apocalypse, (Petr. Sicul. p. 756;) but as such neglect is not imputed as a crime, the Greeks of the ixth century must have been careless of the credit and honor of the Revelations.]
 +
 +[Footnote 5: This contention, which has not escaped the malice of Porphyry, supposes some error and passion in one or both of the apostles. ​ By Chrysostom, Jerome, and Erasmus, it is represented as a sham quarrel a pious fraud, for the benefit of the Gentiles and the correction of the Jews, (Middleton'​s Works, vol. ii. p. 1 - 20.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 6: Those who are curious of this heterodox library, may consult the researches of Beausobre, (Hist. Critique du Manicheisme,​ tom. i. p. 305 - 437.) Even in Africa, St. Austin could describe the Manichaean books, tam multi, tam grandes, tam pretiosi codices, (contra Faust. xiii. 14;) but he adds, without pity, Incendite omnes illas membranas: and his advice had been rigorously followed.]
 +
 +Of the ecclesiastical chain, many links had been broken by the Paulician reformers; and their liberty was enlarged, as they reduced the number of masters, at whose voice profane reason must bow to mystery and miracle. ​ The early separation of the Gnostics had preceded the establishment of the Catholic worship; and against the gradual innovations of discipline and doctrine they were as strongly guarded by habit and aversion, as by the silence of St. Paul and the evangelists. ​ The objects which had been transformed by the magic of superstition,​ appeared to the eyes of the Paulicians in their genuine and naked colors. ​ An image made without hands was the common workmanship of a mortal artist, to whose skill alone the wood and canvas must be indebted for their merit or value. ​ The miraculous relics were a heap of bones and ashes, destitute of life or virtue, or of any relation, perhaps, with the person to whom they were ascribed. ​ The true and vivifying cross was a piece of sound or rotten timber, the body and blood of Christ, a loaf of bread and a cup of wine, the gifts of nature and the symbols of grace. The mother of God was degraded from her celestial honors and immaculate virginity; and the saints and angels were no longer solicited to exercise the laborious office of meditation in heaven, and ministry upon earth. ​ In the practice, or at least in the theory, of the sacraments, the Paulicians were inclined to abolish all visible objects of worship, and the words of the gospel were, in their judgment, the baptism and communion of the faithful. They indulged a convenient latitude for the interpretation of Scripture: and as often as they were pressed by the literal sense, they could escape to the intricate mazes of figure and allegory. ​ Their utmost diligence must have been employed to dissolve the connection between the Old and the New Testament; since they adored the latter as the oracles of God, and abhorred the former as the fabulous and absurd invention of men or daemons. ​ We cannot be surprised, that they should have found in the Gospel the orthodox mystery of the Trinity: but, instead of confessing the human nature and substantial sufferings of Christ, they amused their fancy with a celestial body that passed through the virgin like water through a pipe; with a fantastic crucifixion,​ that eluded the vain and important malice of the Jews.  A creed thus simple and spiritual was not adapted to the genius of the times; ^7 and the rational Christian, who might have been contented with the light yoke and easy burden of Jesus and his apostles, was justly offended, that the Paulicians should dare to violate the unity of God, the first article of natural and revealed religion. ​ Their belief and their trust was in the Father, of Christ, of the human soul, and of the invisible world. But they likewise held the eternity of matter; a stubborn and rebellious substance, the origin of a second principle of an active being, who has created this visible world, and exercises his temporal reign till the final consummation of death and sin. ^8 The appearances of moral and physical evil had established the two principles in the ancient philosophy and religion of the East; from whence this doctrine was transfused to the various swarms of the Gnostics. ​ A thousand shades may be devised in the nature and character of Ahriman, from a rival god to a subordinate daemon, from passion and frailty to pure and perfect malevolence:​ but, in spite of our efforts, the goodness, and the power, of Ormusd are placed at the opposite extremities of the line; and every step that approaches the one must recede in equal proportion from the other. ^9
 +
 +[Footnote 7: The six capital errors of the Paulicians are defined by Peter (p. 756,) with much prejudice and passion.]
 +
 +[Footnote 8: Primum illorum axioma est, duo rerum esse principia; Deum malum et Deum bonum, aliumque hujus mundi conditorem et princi pem, et alium futuri aevi, (Petr. Sicul. 765.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 9: Two learned critics, Beausobre (Hist. Critique du Manicheisme,​ l. i. iv. v. vi.) and Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Eccles. and de Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum,​ sec. i. ii. iii.,) have labored to explore and discriminate the various systems of the Gnostics on the subject of the two principles.] The apostolic labors of Constantine Sylvanus soon multiplied the number of his disciples, the secret recompense of spiritual ambition. ​ The remnant of the Gnostic sects, and especially the Manichaeans of Armenia, were united under his standard; many Catholics were converted or seduced by his arguments; and he preached with success in the regions of Pontus ^10 and Cappadocia, which had long since imbibed the religion of Zoroaster. The Paulician teachers were distinguished only by their Scriptural names, by the modest title of Fellow-pilgrims,​ by the austerity of their lives, their zeal or knowledge, and the credit of some extraordinary gifts of the Holy Spirit. ​ But they were incapable of desiring, or at least of obtaining, the wealth and honors of the Catholic prelacy; such anti- Christian pride they bitterly censured; and even the rank of elders or presbyters was condemned as an institution of the Jewish synagogue. ​ The new sect was loosely spread over the provinces of Asia Minor to the westward of the Euphrates; six of their principal congregations represented the churches to which St. Paul had addressed his epistles; and their founder chose his residence in the neighborhood of Colonia, ^11 in the same district of Pontus which had been celebrated by the altars of Bellona ^12 and the miracles of Gregory. ^13 After a mission of twenty-seven years, Sylvanus, who had retired from the tolerating government of the Arabs, fell a sacrifice to Roman persecution. ​ The laws of the pious emperors, which seldom touched the lives of less odious heretics, proscribed without mercy or disguise the tenets, the books, and the persons of the Montanists and Manichaeans:​ the books were delivered to the flames; and all who should presume to secrete such writings, or to profess such opinions, were devoted to an ignominious death. ^14 A Greek minister, armed with legal and military powers, appeared at Colonia to strike the shepherd, and to reclaim, if possible, the lost sheep. ​ By a refinement of cruelty, Simeon placed the unfortunate Sylvanus before a line of his disciples, who were commanded, as the price of their pardon and the proof of their repentance, to massacre their spiritual father. ​ They turned aside from the impious office; the stones dropped from their filial hands, and of the whole number, only one executioner could be found, a new David, as he is styled by the Catholics, who boldly overthrew the giant of heresy. ​ This apostate (Justin was his name) again deceived and betrayed his unsuspecting brethren, and a new conformity to the acts of St. Paul may be found in the conversion of Simeon: like the apostle, he embraced the doctrine which he had been sent to persecute, renounced his honors and fortunes, and required among the Paulicians the fame of a missionary and a martyr. ​ They were not ambitious of martyrdom, ^15 but in a calamitous period of one hundred and fifty years, their patience sustained whatever zeal could inflict; and power was insufficient to eradicate the obstinate vegetation of fanaticism and reason. ​ From the blood and ashes of the first victims, a succession of teachers and congregations repeatedly arose: amidst their foreign hostilities,​ they found leisure for domestic quarrels: they preached, they disputed, they suffered; and the virtues, the apparent virtues, of Sergius, in a pilgrimage of thirty-three years, are reluctantly confessed by the orthodox historians. ^16 The native cruelty of Justinian the Second was stimulated by a pious cause; and he vainly hoped to extinguish, in a single conflagration,​ the name and memory of the Paulicians. By their primitive simplicity, their abhorrence of popular superstition,​ the Iconoclast princes might have been reconciled to some erroneous doctrines; but they themselves were exposed to the calumnies of the monks, and they chose to be the tyrants, lest they should be accused as the accomplices,​ of the Manichaeans. ​ Such a reproach has sullied the clemency of Nicephorus, who relaxed in their favor the severity of the penal statutes, nor will his character sustain the honor of a more liberal motive. ​ The feeble Michael the First, the rigid Leo the Armenian, were foremost in the race of persecution;​ but the prize must doubtless be adjudged to the sanguinary devotion of Theodora, who restored the images to the Oriental church. ​ Her inquisitors explored the cities and mountains of the Lesser Asia, and the flatterers of the empress have affirmed that, in a short reign, one hundred thousand Paulicians were extirpated by the sword, the gibbet, or the flames. ​ Her guilt or merit has perhaps been stretched beyond the measure of truth: but if the account be allowed, it must be presumed that many simple Iconoclasts were punished under a more odious name; and that some who were driven from the church, unwillingly took refuge in the bosom of heresy.
 +
 +[Footnote 10: The countries between the Euphrates and the Halys were possessed above 350 years by the Medes (Herodot. l. i. c. 103) and Persians; and the kings of Pontus were of the royal race of the Achaemenides,​ (Sallust. Fragment. l. iii. with the French supplement and notes of the president de Brosses.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 11: Most probably founded by Pompey after the conquest of Pontus. This Colonia, on the Lycus, above Neo-Caesarea,​ is named by the Turks Coulei-hisar,​ or Chonac, a populous town in a strong country, (D'​Anville,​ Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 34. Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre xxi. p. 293.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 12: The temple of Bellona, at Comana in Pontus was a powerful and wealthy foundation, and the high priest was respected as the second person in the kingdom. ​ As the sacerdotal office had been occupied by his mother'​s family, Strabo (l. xii. p. 809, 835, 836, 837) dwells with peculiar complacency on the temple, the worship, and festival, which was twice celebrated every year.  But the Bellona of Pontus had the features and character of the goddess, not of war, but of love.]
 +
 +[Footnote 13: Gregory, bishop of Neo-Caesarea,​ (A.D. 240 - 265,) surnamed Thaumaturgus,​ or the Wonder-worker. ​ An hundred years afterwards, the history or romance of his life was composed by Gregory of Nyssa, his namesake and countryman, the brother of the great St. Basil.]
 +
 +[Footnote 14: Hoc caeterum ad sua egregia facinora, divini atque orthodoxi Imperatores addiderunt, ut Manichaeos Montanosque capitali puniri sententia juberent, eorumque libros, quocunque in loco inventi essent, flammis tradi; quod siquis uspiam eosdem occultasse deprehenderetur,​ hunc eundem mortis poenae addici, ejusque bona in fiscum inferri, (Petr. Sicul. p. 759.) What more could bigotry and persecution desire?]
 +
 +[Footnote 15: It should seem, that the Paulicians allowed themselves some latitude of equivocation and mental reservation;​ till the Catholics discovered the pressing questions, which reduced them to the alternative of apostasy or martyrdom, (Petr. Sicul. p. 760.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 16: The persecution is told by Petrus Siculus (p. 579 - 763) with satisfaction and pleasantry. ​ Justus justa persolvit. See likewise Cedrenus, (p. 432 - 435.)]
 +
 +The most furious and desperate of rebels are the sectaries of a religion long persecuted, and at length provoked. ​ In a holy cause they are no longer susceptible of fear or remorse: the justice of their arms hardens them against the feelings of humanity; and they revenge their fathers'​ wrongs on the children of their tyrants. ​ Such have been the Hussites of Bohemia and the Calvinists of France, and such, in the ninth century, were the Paulicians of Armenia and the adjacent provinces. ^17 They were first awakened to the massacre of a governor and bishop, who exercised the Imperial mandate of converting or destroying the heretics; and the deepest recesses of Mount Argaeus protected their independence and revenge. ​ A more dangerous and consuming flame was kindled by the persecution of Theodora, and the revolt of Carbeas, a valiant Paulician, who commanded the guards of the general of the East.  His father had been impaled by the Catholic inquisitors;​ and religion, or at least nature, might justify his desertion and revenge. ​ Five thousand of his brethren were united by the same motives; they renounced the allegiance of anti-Christian Rome; a Saracen emir introduced Carbeas to the caliph; and the commander of the faithful extended his sceptre to the implacable enemy of the Greeks. ​ In the mountains between Siwas and Trebizond he founded or fortified the city of Tephrice, ^18 which is still occupied by a fierce or licentious people, and the neighboring hills were covered with the Paulician fugitives, who now reconciled the use of the Bible and the sword. ​ During more than thirty years, Asia was afflicted by the calamities of foreign and domestic war; in their hostile inroads, the disciples of St. Paul were joined with those of Mahomet; and the peaceful Christians, the aged parent and tender virgin, who were delivered into barbarous servitude, might justly accuse the intolerant spirit of their sovereign. ​ So urgent was the mischief, so intolerable the shame, that even the dissolute Michael, the son of Theodora, was compelled to march in person against the Paulicians: he was defeated under the walls of Samosata; and the Roman emperor fled before the heretics whom his mother had condemned to the flames. ​ The Saracens fought under the same banners, but the victory was ascribed to Carbeas; and the captive generals, with more than a hundred tribunes, were either released by his avarice, or tortured by his fanaticism. ​ The valor and ambition of Chrysocheir,​ ^19 his successor, embraced a wider circle of rapine and revenge. ​ In alliance with his faithful Moslems, he boldly penetrated into the heart of Asia; the troops of the frontier and the palace were repeatedly overthrown; the edicts of persecution were answered by the pillage of Nice and Nicomedia, of Ancyra and Ephesus; nor could the apostle St. John protect from violation his city and sepulchre. ​ The cathedral of Ephesus was turned into a stable for mules and horses; and the Paulicians vied with the Saracens in their contempt and abhorrence of images and relics. ​ It is not unpleasing to observe the triumph of rebellion over the same despotism which had disdained the prayers of an injured people. ​ The emperor Basil, the Macedonian, was reduced to sue for peace, to offer a ransom for the captives, and to request, in the language of moderation and charity, that Chrysocheir would spare his fellow-Christians,​ and content himself with a royal donative of gold and silver and silk garments. ​ "If the emperor,"​ replied the insolent fanatic, "be desirous of peace, let him abdicate the East, and reign without molestation in the West. If he refuse, the servants of the Lord will precipitate him from the throne."​ The reluctant Basil suspended the treaty, accepted the defiance, and led his army into the land of heresy, which he wasted with fire and sword. ​ The open country of the Paulicians was exposed to the same calamities which they had inflicted; but when he had explored the strength of Tephrice, the multitude of the Barbarians, and the ample magazines of arms and provisions, he desisted with a sigh from the hopeless siege. ​ On his return to Constantinople,​ he labored, by the foundation of convents and churches, to secure the aid of his celestial patrons, of Michael the archangel and the prophet Elijah; and it was his daily prayer that he might live to transpierce,​ with three arrows, the head of his impious adversary. ​ Beyond his expectations,​ the wish was accomplished:​ after a successful inroad, Chrysocheir was surprised and slain in his retreat; and the rebel'​s head was triumphantly presented at the foot of the throne. ​ On the reception of this welcome trophy, Basil instantly called for his bow, discharged three arrows with unerring aim, and accepted the applause of the court, who hailed the victory of the royal archer. ​ With Chrysocheir,​ the glory of the Paulicians faded and withered: ^20 on the second expedition of the emperor, the impregnable Tephrice, was deserted by the heretics, who sued for mercy or escaped to the borders. ​ The city was ruined, but the spirit of independence survived in the mountains: the Paulicians defended, above a century, their religion and liberty, infested the Roman limits, and maintained their perpetual alliance with the enemies of the empire and the gospel.
 +
 +[Footnote 17: Petrus Siculus, (p. 763, 764,) the continuator of Theophanes, (l. iv. c. 4, p. 103, 104,) Cedrenus, (p. 541, 542, 545,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 156,) describe the revolt and exploits of Carbeas and his Paulicians.]
 +
 +[Footnote 18: Otter (Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, tom. ii.) is probably the only Frank who has visited the independent Barbarians of Tephrice now Divrigni, from whom he fortunately escaped in the train of a Turkish officer.] [Footnote 19: In the history of Chrysocheir,​ Genesius (Chron. p. 67 - 70, edit. Venet.) has exposed the nakedness of the empire. Constantine Porphyrogenitus (in Vit. Basil. c. 37 - 43, p. 166 - 171) has displayed the glory of his grandfather. ​ Cedrenus (p. 570 - 573) is without their passions or their knowledge.]
 +
 +[Footnote 20: How elegant is the Greek tongue, even in the mouth of Cedrenus!]
 +
 +====== Chapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians. ======
 +
 +===== Part II. =====
 +
 +About the middle of the eight century, Constantine,​ surnamed Copronymus by the worshippers of images, had made an expedition into Armenia, and found, in the cities of Melitene and Theodosiopolis,​ a great number of Paulicians, his kindred heretics. ​ As a favor, or punishment, he transplanted them from the banks of the Euphrates to Constantinople and Thrace; and by this emigration their doctrine was introduced and diffused in Europe. ^21 If the sectaries of the metropolis were soon mingled with the promiscuous mass, those of the country struck a deep root in a foreign soil.  The Paulicians of Thrace resisted the storms of persecution,​ maintained a secret correspondence with their Armenian brethren, and gave aid and comfort to their preachers, who solicited, not without success, the infant faith of the Bulgarians. ^22 In the tenth century, they were restored and multiplied by a more powerful colony, which John Zimisces ^23 transported from the Chalybian hills to the valleys of Mount Haemus. ​ The Oriental clergy who would have preferred the destruction,​ impatiently sighed for the absence, of the Manichaeans:​ the warlike emperor had felt and esteemed their valor: their attachment to the Saracens was pregnant with mischief; but, on the side of the Danube, against the Barbarians of Scythia, their service might be useful, and their loss would be desirable. Their exile in a distant land was softened by a free toleration: the Paulicians held the city of Philippopolis and the keys of Thrace; the Catholics were their subjects; the Jacobite emigrants their associates: they occupied a line of villages and castles in Macedonia and Epirus; and many native Bulgarians were associated to the communion of arms and heresy. As long as they were awed by power and treated with moderation, their voluntary bands were distinguished in the armies of the empire; and the courage of these dogs, ever greedy of war, ever thirsty of human blood, is noticed with astonishment,​ and almost with reproach, by the pusillanimous Greeks. ​ The same spirit rendered them arrogant and contumacious:​ they were easily provoked by caprice or injury; and their privileges were often violated by the faithless bigotry of the government and clergy. In the midst of the Norman war, two thousand five hundred Manichaeans deserted the standard of Alexius Comnenus, ^24 and retired to their native homes. ​ He dissembled till the moment of revenge; invited the chiefs to a friendly conference; and punished the innocent and guilty by imprisonment,​ confiscation,​ and baptism. ​ In an interval of peace, the emperor undertook the pious office of reconciling them to the church and state: his winter quarters were fixed at Philippopolis;​ and the thirteenth apostle, as he is styled by his pious daughter, consumed whole days and nights in theological controversy. ​ His arguments were fortified, their obstinacy was melted, by the honors and rewards which he bestowed on the most eminent proselytes; and a new city, surrounded with gardens, enriched with immunities, and dignified with his own name, was founded by Alexius for the residence of his vulgar converts. ​ The important station of Philippopolis was wrested from their hands; the contumacious leaders were secured in a dungeon, or banished from their country; and their lives were spared by the prudence, rather than the mercy, of an emperor, at whose command a poor and solitary heretic was burnt alive before the church of St. Sophia. ^25 But the proud hope of eradicating the prejudices of a nation was speedily overturned by the invincible zeal of the Paulicians, who ceased to dissemble or refused to obey. After the departure and death of Alexius, they soon resumed their civil and religious laws.  In the beginning of the thirteenth century, their pope or primate (a manifest corruption) resided on the confines of Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, and governed, by his vicars, the filial congregations of Italy and France. ^26 From that aera, a minute scrutiny might prolong and perpetuate the chain of tradition. ​ At the end of the last age, the sect or colony still inhabited the valleys of Mount Haemus, where their ignorance and poverty were more frequently tormented by the Greek clergy than by the Turkish government. The modern Paulicians have lost all memory of their origin; and their religion is disgraced by the worship of the cross, and the practice of bloody sacrifice, which some captives have imported from the wilds of Tartary. ^27 [Footnote 21: Copronymus transported his heretics; and thus says Cedrenus, (p. 463,) who has copied the annals of Theophanes.]
 +
 +[Footnote 22: Petrus Siculus, who resided nine months at Tephrice (A.D. 870) for the ransom of captives, (p. 764,) was informed of their intended mission, and addressed his preservative,​ the Historia Manichaeorum to the new archbishop of the Bulgarians, (p. 754.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 23: The colony of Paulicians and Jacobites transplanted by John Zimisces (A.D. 970) from Armenia to Thrace, is mentioned by Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xvii. p. 209) and Anna Comnena, (Alexiad, l. xiv. p. 450, &c.)] [Footnote 24: The Alexiad of Anna Comnena (l. v. p. 131, l. vi. p. 154, 155, l. xiv. p. 450 - 457, with the Annotations of Ducange) records the transactions of her apostolic father with the Manichaeans,​ whose abominable heresy she was desirous of refuting.]
 +
 +[Footnote 25: Basil, a monk, and the author of the Bogomiles, a sect of Gnostics, who soon vanished, (Anna Comnena, Alexiad, l. xv. p. 486 - 494 Mosheim, Hist. Ecclesiastica,​ p. 420.)]
 +
 +[Footnote 26: Matt. Paris, Hist. Major, p. 267.  This passage of our English historian is alleged by Ducange in an excellent note on Villehardouin (No. 208,) who found the Paulicians at Philippopolis the friends of the Bulgarians.]
 +
 +[Footnote 27: See Marsigli, Stato Militare dell' Imperio Ottomano, p. 24.] In the West, the first teachers of the Manichaean theology had been repulsed by the people, or suppressed by the prince. The favor and success of the Paulicians in the eleventh and twelfth centuries must be imputed to the strong, though secret, discontent which armed the most pious Christians against the church of Rome.  Her avarice was oppressive, her despotism odious; less degenerate perhaps than the Greeks in the worship of saints and images, her innovations were more rapid and scandalous: she had rigorously defined and imposed the doctrine of transubstantiation:​ the lives of the Latin clergy were more corrupt, and the Eastern bishops might pass for the successors of the apostles, if they were compared with the lordly prelates, who wielded by turns the crosier, the sceptre, and the sword. ​ Three different roads might introduce the Paulicians into the heart of Europe. ​ After the conversion of Hungary, the pilgrims who visited Jerusalem might safely follow the course of the Danube: in their journey and return they passed through Philippopolis;​ and the sectaries, disguising their name and heresy, might accompany the French or German caravans to their respective countries. ​ The trade and dominion of Venice pervaded the coast of the Adriatic, and the hospitable republic opened her bosom to foreigners of every climate and religion. ​ Under the Byzantine standard, the Paulicians were often transported to the Greek provinces of Italy and Sicily: in peace and war, they freely conversed with strangers and natives, and their opinions were silently propagated in Rome, Milan, and the kingdoms beyond the Alps. ^28 It was soon discovered, that many thousand Catholics of every rank, and of either sex, had embraced the Manichaean heresy; and the flames which consumed twelve canons of Orleans was the first act and signal of persecution. ​ The Bulgarians, ^29 a name so innocent in its origin, so odious in its application,​ spread their branches over the face of Europe. ​ United in common hatred of idolatry and Rome, they were connected by a form of episcopal and presbyterian government; their various sects were discriminated by some fainter or darker shades of theology; but they generally agreed in the two principles, the contempt of the Old Testament and the denial of the body of Christ, either on the cross or in the eucharist. ​ A confession of simple worship and blameless manners is extorted from their enemies; and so high was their standard of perfection, that the increasing congregations were divided into two classes of disciples, of those who practised, and of those who aspired. ​ It was in the country of the Albigeois, ^30 in the southern provinces of France, that the Paulicians were most deeply implanted; and the same vicissitudes of martyrdom and revenge which had been displayed in the neighborhood of the Euphrates, were repeated in the thirteenth century on the banks of the Rhone. ​ The laws of the Eastern emperors were revived by Frederic the Second. ​ The insurgents of Tephrice were represented by the barons and cities of Languedoc: Pope Innocent III. surpassed the sanguinary fame of Theodora. ​ It was in cruelty alone that her soldiers could equal the heroes of the Crusades, and the cruelty of her priests was far excelled by the founders of the Inquisition;​ ^31 an office more adapted to confirm, than to refute, the belief of an evil principle. ​ The visible assemblies of the Paulicians, or Albigeois, were extirpated by fire and sword; and the bleeding remnant escaped by flight, concealment,​ or Catholic conformity. But the invincible spirit which they had kindled still lived and breathed in the Western world. ​ In the state, in the church, and even in the cloister, a latent succession was preserved of the disciples of St. Paul; who protested against the tyranny of Rome, embraced the Bible as the rule of faith, and purified their creed from all the visions of the Gnostic theology. ^* The struggles of Wickliff in England, of Huss in Bohemia, were premature and ineffectual;​ but the names of Zuinglius, Luther, and Calvin, are pronounced with gratitude as the deliverers of nations.
 +
 +[Footnote 28: The introduction of the Paulicians into Italy and France is amply discussed by Muratori (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. v. dissert. lx. p. 81 - 152) and Mosheim, (p. 379 - 382, 419 - 422.) Yet both have overlooked a curious passage of William the Apulian, who clearly describes them in a battle between the Greeks and Normans, A.D. 1040, (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Ital. tom. v. p. 256: )
 +
 +Cum Graecis aderant quidam, quos pessimus error Fecerat amentes, et ab ipso nomen habebant.]
 +
 +But he is so ignorant of their doctrine as to make them a kind of Sabellians or Patripassians.]
 +
 +[Footnote 29: Bulgari, Boulgres, Bougres, a national appellation,​ has been applied by the French as a term of reproach to usurers and unnatural sinners. The Paterini, or Patelini, has been made to signify a smooth and flattering hypocrite, such as l'​Avocat Patelin of that original and pleasant farce, (Ducange, Gloss. Latinitat. Medii et Infimi Aevi.) The Manichaeans were likewise named Cathari or the pure, by corruption. Gazari, &c.] [Footnote 30: Of the laws, crusade, and persecution against the Albigeois, a just, though general, idea is expressed by Mosheim, (p. 477 - 481.) The detail may be found in the ecclesiastical historians, ancient and modern, Catholics and Protestants;​ and amongst these Fleury is the most impartial and moderate.] [Footnote 31: The Acts (Liber Sententiarum) of the Inquisition of Tholouse (A.D. 1307 - 1323) have been published by Limborch, (Amstelodami,​ 1692,) with a previous History of the Inquisition in general. ​ They deserved a more learned and critical editor. As we must not calumniate even Satan, or the Holy Office, I will observe, that of a list of criminals which fills nineteen folio pages, only fifteen men and four women were delivered to the secular arm.]
 +
 +[Footnote *: The popularity of "​Milner'​s History of the Church"​ with some readers, may make it proper to observe, that his attempt to exculpate the Paulicians from the charge of Gnosticism or Manicheism is in direct defiance, if not in ignorance, of all the original authorities. ​ Gibbon himself, it appears, was not acquainted with the work of Photius, "​Contra Manicheos Repullulantes,"​ the first book of which was edited by Montfaucon, Bibliotheca Coisliniana,​ pars ii. p. 349, 375, the whole by Wolf, in his Anecdota Graeca. Hamburg 1722.  Compare a very sensible tract. ​ Letter to Rev. S. R. Maitland, by J G. Dowling, M. A. London, 1835. - M.]
 +
 +A philosopher,​ who calculates the degree of their merit and the value of their reformation,​ will prudently ask from what articles of faith, above or against our reason, they have enfranchised the Christians; for such enfranchisement is doubtless a benefit so far as it may be compatible with truth and piety. ​ After a fair discussion, we shall rather be surprised by the timidity, than scandalized by the freedom, of our first reformers. ^32 With the Jews, they adopted the belief and defence of all the Hebrew Scriptures, with all their prodigies, from the garden of Eden to the visions of the prophet Daniel; and they were bound, like the Catholics, to justify against the Jews the abolition of a divine law.  In the great mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation the reformers were severely orthodox: they freely adopted the theology of the four, or the six first councils; and with the Athanasian creed, they pronounced the eternal damnation of all who did not believe the Catholic faith. Transubstantiation,​ the invisible change of the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, is a tenet that may defy the power of argument and pleasantry; but instead of consulting the evidence of their senses, of their sight, their feeling, and their taste, the first Protestants were entangled in their own scruples, and awed by the words of Jesus in the institution of the sacrament. ​ Luther maintained a corporeal, and Calvin a real, presence of Christ in the eucharist; and the opinion of Zuinglius, that it is no more than a spiritual communion, a simple memorial, has slowly prevailed in the reformed churches. ^33 But the loss of one mystery was amply compensated by the stupendous doctrines of original sin, redemption, faith, grace, and predestination,​ which have been strained from the epistles of St. Paul.  These subtile questions had most assuredly been prepared by the fathers and schoolmen; but the final improvement and popular use may be attributed to the first reformers, who enforced them as the absolute and essential terms of salvation. Hitherto the weight of supernatural belief inclines against the Protestants;​ and many a sober Christian would rather admit that a wafer is God, than that God is a cruel and capricious tyrant.
 +
 +[Footnote 32: The opinions and proceedings of the reformers are exposed in the second part of the general history of Mosheim; but the balance, which he has held with so clear an eye, and so steady a hand, begins to incline in favor of his Lutheran brethren.]
 +
 +[Footnote 33: Under Edward VI. our reformation was more bold and perfect, but in the fundamental articles of the church of England, a strong and explicit declaration against the real presence was obliterated in the original copy, to please the people or the Lutherans, or Queen Elizabeth, (Burnet'​s History of the Reformation,​ vol. ii. p. 82, 128, 302.)]
 +
 +Yet the services of Luther and his rivals are solid and important; and the philosopher must own his obligations to these fearless enthusiasts. ^34 I. By their hands the lofty fabric of superstition,​ from the abuse of indulgences to the intercesson of the Virgin, has been levelled with the ground. ​ Myriads of both sexes of the monastic profession were restored to the liberty and labors of social life.  A hierarchy of saints and angels, of imperfect and subordinate deities, were stripped of their temporal power, and reduced to the enjoyment of celestial happiness; their images and relics were banished from the church; and the credulity of the people was no longer nourished with the daily repetition of miracles and visions. The imitation of Paganism was supplied by a pure and spiritual worship of prayer and thanksgiving,​ the most worthy of man, the least unworthy of the Deity. ​ It only remains to observe, whether such sublime simplicity be consistent with popular devotion; whether the vulgar, in the absence of all visible objects, will not be inflamed by enthusiasm, or insensibly subside in languor and indifference. ​ II.  The chain of authority was broken, which restrains the bigot from thinking as he pleases, and the slave from speaking as he thinks: the popes, fathers, and councils, were no longer the supreme and infallible judges of the world; and each Christian was taught to acknowledge no law but the Scriptures, no interpreter but his own conscience. ​ This freedom, however, was the consequence,​ rather than the design, of the Reformation. ​ The patriot reformers were ambitious of succeeding the tyrants whom they had dethroned. They imposed with equal rigor their creeds and confessions;​ they asserted the right of the magistrate to punish heretics with death. ​ The pious or personal animosity of Calvin proscribed in Servetus ^35 the guilt of his own rebellion; ^36 and the flames of Smithfield, in which he was afterwards consumed, had been kindled for the Anabaptists by the zeal of Cranmer. ^37 The nature of the tiger wa s the same, but he was gradually deprived of his teeth and fangs. A spiritual and temporal kingdom was possessed by the Roman pontiff; the Protestant doctors were subjects of an humble rank, without revenue or jurisdiction. ​ His decrees were consecrated by the antiquity of the Catholic church: their arguments and disputes were submitted to the people; and their appeal to private judgment was accepted beyond their wishes, by curiosity and enthusiasm. ​ Since the days of Luther and Calvin, a secret reformation has been silently working in the bosom of the reformed churches; many weeds of prejudice were eradicated; and the disciples of Erasmus ^38 diffused a spirit of freedom and moderation. ​ The liberty of conscience has been claimed as a common benefit, an inalienable right: ^39 the free governments of Holland ^40 and England ^41 introduced the practice of toleration; and the narrow allowance of the laws has been enlarged by the prudence and humanity of the times. ​ In the exercise, the mind has understood the limits of its powers, and the words and shadows that might amuse the child can no longer satisfy his manly reason. ​ The volumes of controversy are overspread with cobwebs: the doctrine of a Protestant church is far removed from the knowledge or belief of its private members; and the forms of orthodoxy, the articles of faith, are subscribed with a sigh, or a smile, by the modern clergy. ​ Yet the friends of Christianity are alarmed at the boundless impulse of inquiry and scepticism. The predictions of the Catholics are accomplished:​ the web of mystery is unravelled by the Arminians, Arians, and Socinians, whose number must not be computed from their separate congregations;​ and the pillars of Revelation are shaken by those men who preserve the name without the substance of religion, who indulge the license without the temper of philosophy. ^42 ^* [Footnote 34: "Had it not been for such men as Luther and myself,"​ said the fanatic Whiston to Halley the philosopher,​ "you would now be kneeling before an image of St. Winifred."​]
 +
 +[Footnote 35: The article of Servet in the Dictionnaire Critique of Chauffepie is the best account which I have seen of this shameful transaction. ​ See likewise the Abbe d'​Artigny,​ Nouveaux Memoires d'​Histoire,​ &c., tom. ii. p. 55 - 154.]
 +
 +[Footnote 36: I am more deeply scandalized at the single execution of Servetus, than at the hecatombs which have blazed in the Auto de Fes of Spain and Portugal. ​ 1. The zeal of Calvin seems to have been envenomed by personal malice, and perhaps envy.  He accused his adversary before their common enemies, the judges of Vienna, and betrayed, for his destruction,​ the sacred trust of a private correspondence. ​ 2. The deed of cruelty was not varnished by the pretence of danger to the church or state. In his passage through Geneva, Servetus was a harmless stranger, who neither preached, nor printed, nor made proselytes. ​ 3. A Catholic inquisition yields the same obedience which he requires, but Calvin violated the golden rule of doing as he would be done by; a rule which I read in a moral treatise of Isocrates (in Nicocle, tom. i. p. 93, edit. Battie) four hundred years before the publication of the Gospel.
 +
 +Note: Gibbon has not accurately rendered the sense of this passage, which does not contain the maxim of charity Do unto others as you would they should do unto you, but simply the maxim of justice, Do not to others the which would offend you if they should do it to you. - G.]
 +
 +[Footnote 37: See Burnet, vol. ii. p. 84 - 86.  The sense and humanity of the young king were oppressed by the authority of the primate.] [Footnote 38: Erasmus may be considered as the father of rational theology. After a slumber of a hundred years, it was revived by the Arminians of Holland, Grotius, Limborch, and Le Clerc; in England by Chillingworth,​ the latitudinarians of Cambridge, (Burnet, Hist. of Own Times, vol. i. p. 261 - 268, octavo edition.) Tillotson, Clarke, Hoadley, &c.]
 +
 +[Footnote 39: I am sorry to observe, that the three writers of the last age, by whom the rights of toleration have been so nobly defended, Bayle, Leibnitz, and Locke, are all laymen and philosophers.]
 +
 +[Footnote 40: See the excellent chapter of Sir William Temple on the Religion of the United Provinces. ​ I am not satisfied with Grotius, (de Rebus Belgicis, Annal. l. i. p. 13, 14, edit. in 12mo.,) who approves the Imperial laws of persecution,​ and only condemns the bloody tribunal of the inquisition.] [Footnote 41: Sir William Blackstone (Commentaries,​ vol. iv. p. 53, 54) explains the law of England as it was fixed at the Revolution. ​ The exceptions of Papists, and of those who deny the Trinity, would still have a tolerable scope for persecution if the national spirit were not more effectual than a hundred statutes.]
 +
 +[Footnote 42: I shall recommend to public animadversion two passages in Dr. Priestley, which betray the ultimate tendency of his opinions. ​ At the first of these (Hist. of the Corruptions of Christianity,​ vol. i. p. 275, 276) the priest, at the second (vol. ii. p. 484) the magistrate, may tremble!]
 +
 +[Footnote *: There is something ludicrous, if it were not offensive, in Gibbon holding up to "​public animadversion"​ the opinions of any believer in Christianity,​ however imperfect his creed. ​ The observations which the whole of this passage on the effects of the reformation,​ in which much truth and justice is mingled with much prejudice, would suggest, could not possibly be compressed into a note; and would indeed embrace the whole religious and irreligious history of the time which has elapsed since Gibbon wrote. - M.]
  
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