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the_letters_of_amerigo_vespucci [2019/12/14 07:50]
the_letters_of_amerigo_vespucci [2020/02/17 22:48] (current)
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 +    span.pagenum { display:​none;​ }
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​nopage1"​ name="​nopage1"></​a>​[pg]</​span></​p>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<br />
 +The Hakluyt Society.
 +<div style="​height:​ 2em;"><​br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +THE LETTERS<​br /> <​small>​OF</​small><​br /> AMERIGO VESPUCCI.
 +<div style="​height:​ 2em;"><​br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​nopage2"​ name="​nopage2"></​a>​[pg]</​span></​p>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 2em;"><​br /><br /></​div>​
 +<​p><​!--[Blank Page]--><​br /></​p>​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​nopage3"​ name="​nopage3"></​a>​[pg]</​span></​p>​
 +THE LETTERS<​br />
 +<​small>​OF</​small><​br />
 +<​big>​AMERIGO VESPUCCI</​big>​
 +<br />
 +<​small>​AND<​br />
 +<div style="​height:​ 2em;"><​br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +Translated, with Notes and an Introduction,​
 +<br />
 +<​small>​BY</​small><​br />
 +<​big>​CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.,</​big>​
 +<br />
 +<div style="​height:​ 2em;"><​br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​nopage4"​ name="​nopage4"></​a>​[pg]</​span></​p>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 2em;"><​br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +Published by <br/>
 +514 West 113th Street <br />
 +New York 25, N. Y.
 +<div style="​height:​ 2em;"><​br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<br />
 +<div style="​height:​ 2em;"><​br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​nopage5"​ name="​nopage5"></​a>​[pg]</​span></​p>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<p class="​quote"><​br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Clements R. Markham, Esq., C.B., F.R.S.</​span>,​ <​i>​Pres. R.G.S.</​i>,​ <span class="​sc">​President.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Major-General Sir Henry Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S.</​span>,​
 +<​i>​Associé Étranger de L'​Institut de France</​i>,​ <span class="​sc">​Vice-President.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​The Right Hon. Lord Aberdare, G.C.B., F.R.S., Vice-President.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Vice-Admiral Lindesay Brine.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Robert Brown, Esq., M.A., Ph.D.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Miller Christy, Esq.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​The Hon. George N. Curzon, M.P.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​The Right Hon. Sir Mountstuart E. Grant-Duff, G.C.S.I.</​span>,​ <​i>​late Pres.
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​F. Ducane Godman, Esq., F.R.S.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Albert Gray, Esq.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​C. P. Lucas, Esq.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​A. P. Maudslay, Esq.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​E. Delmar Morgan, Esq.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Captain Nathan, R.E.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Admiral Sir E. Ommanney, C.B., F.R.S.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​E. A. Petherick, Esq.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​S. W. Silver, Esq.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Coutts Trotter, Esq.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Prof. E. B. Tylor, D.C.L.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​Captain W. J. L. Wharton, R.N.</​span>​
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​William Foster, Esq.</​span>,​ <​i>​Honorary Secretary</​i>​.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​nopage6"​ name="​nopage6"></​a>​[pg]</​span></​p>​
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_TOC"​ id="​h2H_TOC"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +<table summary="​Table of Contents">​
 +<​tr><​td colspan="​2"​ align="​right"><​small class="​sc">​PAGE</​small></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Introduction</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;"> ​ <a href="#​pagei">​i</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Letter of Amerigo Vespucci to a "​Magnificent Lord":</​span></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 2em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​   First Voyage</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page1">​1</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 2em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​   Second Voyage</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page21">​21</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 2em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​   Third Voyage</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page34">​34</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 2em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​   Fourth Voyage</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page52">​52</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Letter of Amerigo Vespucci to Lorenzo Pietro F. di Medici</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page42">​42</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Evidence of Alonso de Hojeda respecting his Voyage of 1499</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page30">​30</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Account of the Voyage of Hojeda, 1499-1500, by Navarrete</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page31">​31</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Letter of the Admiral Christopher Columbus to his Son</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page57">​57</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Letter of Vianelo to the Seigneury of Venice</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page58">​58</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Letter of Naturalization in favour of Vespucci</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page61">​61</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Appointment of Amerigo Vespucci as Chief Pilot</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page63">​63</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Chapters from Las Casas, which discuss the Statements of Vespucci:</​span></​td><​td></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 2em;">&​nbsp;</​span>​ Chapter CXL</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page68">​68</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 5em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​ " ​    ​CLXIV</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page76">​76</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 5em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​ " ​    ​CLXV</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page85">​85</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 5em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​ " ​    ​CLXVI</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page86">​86</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 5em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​ " ​    ​CLXVII</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page89">​89</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 5em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​ " ​    ​CLXVIII</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page96">​96</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span style="​margin-left:​ 5em;">&​nbsp;</​span> ​ " ​    ​CLXIX</​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page101">​101</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Evidence respecting the Voyage of Pinzon and Solis</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page109">​109</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Las Casas</​span>​ (II, cap. xxxix) <span class="​sc">​on the Voyage of Pinzon and Solis</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page111">​111</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​tr><​td><​span class="​sc">​Index</​span></​td>​
 +<td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​ <a href="#​page115">​115</​a></​td></​tr>​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​nopage7"​ name="​nopage7"></​a>​[pg]</​span></​p>​
 +<​p><​!--[Blank Page]--><​br /></​p>​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagei"​ name="​pagei"></​a>​[i]</​span></​p>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +<div class="​figure">​
 +<a name="​image-0001a"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_009a.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_009a.png"​ width="​500"​ height="​135"​
 +title="​(decorative header)"​
 +alt="​(decorative header)"​ /></​a>​
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_INTR"​ id="​h2H_INTR"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div class="​fig-cap">​
 +<a name="​image-0001b"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_009b.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_009b.png"​ width="​150"​ height="​150"​
 +title="​(decorative capital T)"
 +alt=""​ /></​a>​
 +The account of the alleged voyage of Amerigo Vespucci in 1497-98 was
 +written for that worthy'​s own countrymen, and for foreigners who lived at
 +a distance from the Peninsula. When, after some years, the story reached
 +Spain in print, men were still alive who would have known whether any such
 +voyage had ever been made. Among them was the able and impartial historian
 +Las Casas, who considered that the story was false, and disproved it from
 +internal evidence. The authority of Las Casas is alone conclusive. Modern
 +investigators,​ such as Robertson, Muñoz, Navarrete, Humboldt, Washington
 +Irving, and D'​Avezac examined the question, and they all came to the same
 +conclusion as Las Casas.
 +The matter appeared to be finally settled until 1865. In that year M.
 +F. de Varnhagen, Baron of
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pageii"​ name="​pageii"></​a>​[ii]</​span>​
 +                           Porto Seguro in Brazil, published a book at
 +Lima,<a href="#​note-1"​ name="​noteref-1"><​small>​ 1</​small></​a>​ where he was accredited as Brazilian Minister, with the object of
 +rehabilitating the Florentine'​s character for honesty, by arguing that the
 +story of the alleged voyage in 1497-98 was worthy of credit. This makes it
 +desirable that the whole question should once more be discussed. Varnhagen
 +at least deserves the thanks of all students of the history of American
 +discovery for having published, in an accessible form, both the Latin
 +and the Italian texts of the letters of Vespucci.
 +It has been decided by the Council of the Hakluyt Society to supply a
 +volume to the members containing translations of the letters of Vespucci,
 +of the chapters in which they are discussed in the history of Las Casas,
 +and other original documents relating to the subject. Readers will thus be
 +enabled to form independent judgments on this vexed question; while the
 +Introduction will furnish them with the events of the life of Vespucci,
 +and with a review of the arguments in support of Varnhagen'​s theory,
 +as well as of those which militate against it.
 +A Life of Vespucci was published by an enthusiastic fellow-countryman
 +named Bandini, in 1745,<a href="#​note-2"​ name="​noteref-2"><​small>​ 2</​small></​a>​ who collected all there is to be known
 +respecting his
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pageiii"​ name="​pageiii"></​a>​[iii]</​span>​
 +               ​family and early life at Florence, and reprinted his
 +authentic letters. Canovai was another biographer, and a still warmer
 +panegyrist.<​a href="#​note-3"​ name="​noteref-3"><​small>​ 3</​small></​a>​
 +There are three spurious letters attributed to Vespucci, but they are
 +now so universally held to be forgeries, that they need not occupy our
 +time.<a href="#​note-4"​ name="​noteref-4"><​small>​ 4</​small></​a>​
 +We learn from Bandini that Amerigo was the third son of a notary at
 +Florence, named Ser Nastagio (Anastasio) Vespucci, by Lisabetta Mini, and
 +that he was born on March 9th, 1451.<a href="#​note-5"​ name="​noteref-5"><​small>​ 5</​small></​a>​ He was thus four years younger
 +than Columbus. Amerigo studied under his uncle, Fra Giorgio Antonio
 +Vespucci, a Dominican monk of St. Marco, at Florence, who taught him
 +Latin. A letter from Amerigo to his father, in Latin, has been preserved,
 +dated on October 18th, 1476, at Mugello, near Trebbio, whither he had
 +been sent in consequence
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pageiv"​ name="​pageiv"></​a>​[iv]</​span>​
 +                         of an epidemic then raging at Florence. In the
 +same year the elder brother, Antonio, was sent to the University of
 +Pisa. He was a scholar and an author. His eldest son, Bartolomeo, rose
 +to be Professor of Astrology at Pisa, and left a son. His second son,
 +Giovanni, eventually joined his uncle Amerigo in Spain, and became a
 +pilot. The other brother, Geronimo, went as a merchant to Syria, where
 +he lost all he had made after nine years of labour. This is stated in
 +a letter to Amerigo, dated July 24th, 1489, which was brought to Italy
 +by a priest named Carnesecchi,​ who was returning.
 +Amerigo Vespucci embraced a mercantile life at Florence,<​a href="#​note-6"​ name="​noteref-6"><​small>​ 6</​small></​a>​ and was
 +eventually taken into the great commercial house of the Medici, the head
 +of which was Lorenzo Piero Francesco di Medici, who succeeded his father,
 +Lorenzo the Magnificent,​ in 1492. The house had transactions in Spain,
 +and required experienced agents at Cadiz. Amerigo, who was then over
 +forty years of age, and Donato Niccolini were selected for this duty,
 +and took up their residence at Cadiz and Seville in 1492. In December
 +1495, an Italian merchant, named Juanoto Berardi, died at Seville, and
 +Vespucci was employed to wind up his affairs. This Berardi had contracted,
 +on April 9th, 1495, to supply the Government with twelve vessels of 900
 +tons each for the Indies.<​a href="#​note-7"​ name="​noteref-7"><​small>​ 7</​small></​a>​ He handed over the first four in the same
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagev"​ name="​pagev"></​a>​[v]</​span>​
 + ​April,​ four more in June, and the rest in September, but unluckily the
 +four last were wrecked before delivery.<​a href="#​note-8"​ name="​noteref-8"><​small>​ 8</​small></​a>​ On the 10th of April 1495,
 +the Spanish Government broke faith with Columbus, and contrary to the
 +concession made to him, free navigation was allowed to the Indies,
 +on condition that the ships sailed from Cadiz, and were registered
 +as submitting to certain engagements as regards the State. Gomara,
 +an unreliable authority, alleges that many vessels took advantage of
 +this concession. It is likely enough that some were sent on commercial
 +ventures, but it is grossly improbable that any discoveries of importance
 +were made and left entirely unrecorded. The Admiral remonstrated against
 +the infraction of his rights, and the order of April 10th, 1495, was
 +cancelled on June 2nd, 1497.
 +During this period Vespucci was engaged at Cadiz as a provision
 +contractor. A record is preserved of his having received 10,000 maravedis
 +from Treasurer Pinelo on January 12th, 1496, for payment of sailors'​
 +wages; and we learn from Muñoz that other entries<​a href="#​note-9"​ name="​noteref-9"><​small>​ 9</​small></​a>​ prove that Vespucci
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagevi"​ name="​pagevi"></​a>​[vi]</​span>​
 +          his business of provision merchant at least until May 1498. He
 +contracted for one, if not for two, of the expeditions of Columbus. A
 +very civil and plausible man was this beef contractor, and the Admiral
 +spoke of him, seven years afterwards, as being very respectable (<​i>​hombre
 +muy de bien</​i>​).
 +In 1499, the very respectable contractor, who was approaching the age of
 +fifty, determined to retire from business and go to sea. His own reasons
 +for this complete change in his old age were that he had already seen
 +and known various changes of fortune in business; that a man might at
 +one time be at the top of the well and at another be fallen and subject
 +to losses; and that it had become evident to him that a merchant'​s life
 +was one of continual labour, with the chance of failure and ruin. It
 +was rather late in life to make these discoveries,​ and it may fairly
 +be suspected that there was some more concrete reason for his change of
 +life which he concealed under these generalities.
 +The expedition in which Vespucci sailed was organised and fitted out
 +by Alonzo de Hojeda in 1499. Columbus, having discovered the island
 +of Trinidad and the mainland of South America on the 31st of July
 +1498, arrived at San Domingo in the end of August. In October he sent
 +five ships to Spain with the news of the discovery, a chart of the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagevii"​ name="​pagevii"></​a>​[vii]</​span>​
 + new coast-line and islands, and a report containing mention of the
 +existence of pearls. These precious documents fell into the hands of
 +Bishop Fonseca, who showed them to Hojeda, a man whom he favoured. The
 +Bishop suggested that his <​i>​protégé</​i>​ should equip an expedition to reap
 +all the advantages to be derived from the discoveries of the Admiral,
 +and granted him a licence. Hojeda was nothing loth, but he was in want of
 +funds, and only succeeded in fitting out four vessels by promising shares
 +of the expected profits to persons in Seville and Cadiz who would advance
 +money. Vespucci seems to have been one of these promoters of Hojeda'​s
 +voyage. Las Casas supposes that he was taken on board as a merchant who
 +had contributed to the expenses, and also possibly on account of his
 +theoretical knowledge of cosmography,​ of which he doubtless made the most.
 +As there is no doubt that Vespucci wrote the famous letters from Lisbon,
 +we may gather some idea of the man from their contents. He was fond
 +of airing his classical knowledge, though it was a mere smattering;
 +for he thought that Pliny was the contemporary of Mecænas,<​a href="#​note-10"​ name="​noteref-10"><​small>​ 10</​small></​a>​ and
 +that the sculptor Policletus was a painter.<​a href="#​note-11"​ name="​noteref-11"><​small>​ 11</​small></​a>​ On the other hand he
 +quotes Petrarch, and gives a correct reference to a passage in Dante'​s
 +<​i>​Inferno</​i>​.<​a href="#​note-12"​ name="​noteref-12"><​small>​ 12</​small></​a>​ He was inaccurate in
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pageviii"​ name="​pageviii"></​a>​[viii]</​span>​
 +                                     his narratives and regardless of the
 +truth, as was ably shown by Las Casas,<a href="#​note-13"​ name="​noteref-13"><​small>​ 13</​small></​a>​ while he habitually assumed the
 +credit of work which belonged to his superiors; and pretended to knowledge
 +and influence which he could never have possessed.<​a href="#​note-14"​ name="​noteref-14"><​small>​ 14</​small></​a>​ Though externally
 +civil and obliging, he harboured jealousy and hatred in his heart,<a href="#​note-15"​ name="​noteref-15"><​small>​ 15</​small></​a>​
 +and was disloyal towards the men under whom he served.<​a href="#​note-16"​ name="​noteref-16"><​small>​ 16</​small></​a>​ Of his natural
 +ability there can be no doubt. He wrote well, and some of his stories
 +are capitally told.<a href="#​note-17"​ name="​noteref-17"><​small>​ 17</​small></​a>​ He must have been a plausible talker, so that,
 +by such men as Fonseca and Peter Martyr, the theoretical pretender was
 +taken at the value he put upon himself, and was believed to be a great
 +pilot and navigator.<​a href="#​note-18"​ name="​noteref-18"><​small>​ 18</​small></​a>​
 +He was certainly not a practical navigator, much less a pilot, as the term
 +was understood in those days. Hojeda, in his evidence, said that he took
 +with him "Juan de la Cosa, and Morigo Vespuche, and other pilots"​. In
 +this sentence the "other pilots"​ must be intended to be coupled with
 +Juan de la Cosa, not
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pageix"​ name="​pageix"></​a>​[ix]</​span>​
 +                     with "​Morigo Vespuche"​. A man of fifty years of
 +age could not go to sea for the first time and be a pilot. The thing
 +would be absurd now, but it would be much more absurd in the fifteenth
 +century. With the perfectly graduated and adjusted instruments,​ the
 +facilities for calculations,​ and the appliances of all kinds with which
 +the modern navigator is supplied, the business of the sea may be learnt
 +more quickly than in former days. Yet no one would now dream of calling
 +a middle-aged man an expert navigator because he had read a book on
 +astronomy and made one or two voyages. In the fifteenth century the
 +instruments were of the roughest kind, and much more depended on the
 +skill and intuitive instincts of the seaman himself, qualifications
 +which could only be acquired by a long training and many years of
 +experience. Vespucci has the assurance to talk of his astrolabe and
 +quadrant and sea chart, and to write disparagingly of the trained
 +pilots of whom he was jealous.<​a href="#​note-19"​ name="​noteref-19"><​small>​ 19</​small></​a>​ But his own writings make it clear
 +to any seaman that the Florentine contractor was merely a landlubber
 +with a smattering of Sacrobosco or some other work <i>De Sphæra</​i>,​ which
 +enabled him to impose upon his brother landsmen by talking of climates,
 +of steering by winds, and of measuring diameters of fixed stars. Hojeda
 +certainly did not ship a pilot when he took Amerigo Vespucci on board,
 +but a very clever and very plausible landsman with a keen eye to his
 +own interests.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagex"​ name="​pagex"></​a>​[x]</​span></​p>​
 +Alonzo de Hojeda left Cadiz, with four vessels, on May 20th, 1499.
 +Endeavouring to steer by the chart of Columbus, he made a landfall at
 +some distance to the south of Paria, off the mouths of the Orinoco.
 +Coasting along to the northward, he came to the Gulf of Paria, went out
 +by the Boca del Drago, and visited the island of Margarita. He then
 +proceeded along the coast of the continent, visited Curaçoa, which he
 +called the "Isla de los Gigantes",​ and came to the Gulf of Maracaibo,
 +where he found a village built on piles, which was named Venezuela, or
 +Little Venice. His most western point was the province of Cuquibacoa and
 +the Cabo de la Vela. His discovery consisted of 200 leagues of coast to
 +the west of Paria. Along this coast Hojeda obtained gold and pearls. He
 +had an encounter with the natives, in which one Spaniard was killed
 +and about twenty wounded, the place being named "​Puerto Flechado"​. He
 +refitted in a harbour where the people were friendly, and which Amerigo
 +considered to be the best harbour in the world. Las Casas believed this
 +to have been Cariaco, near Cumana. On leaving the coast Hojeda proceeded
 +to Española, where he behaved in the outrageous manner described by Las
 +Casas,<a href="#​note-20"​ name="​noteref-20"><​small>​ 20</​small></​a>​ remaining two months and seventeen days, from September 5th,
 +1499, to November 22nd, finally visiting some islands, probably the
 +Bahamas,<​a href="#​note-21"​ name="​noteref-21"><​small>​ 21</​small></​a>​ and
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexi"​ name="​pagexi"></​a>​[xi]</​span>​
 +                 ​carrying off 200 natives as slaves. Hojeda returned to
 +Cadiz in February 1500. In the same year Juan de la Cosa, the pilot of the
 +expedition, compiled his famous map of the world, on which he delineated
 +this new coast-line from Paria to Cabo de la Vela, the extreme point
 +of continental land that was known up to that time. On this coast-line
 +he placed twenty-two names, including the Boca del Drago, Margarita,
 +the "Isla de los Gigantes",​ the Lake of Venezuela (or Little Venice),
 +and the Cabo de la Vela. The map of Juan de la Cosa is important when
 +we come to the consideration of the statements in the letters of Vespucci.
 +The Florentine, on his return from this voyage, took up his residence
 +at Seville. Here, according to his own account, he received a message
 +from the King of Portugal, asking him to come to Lisbon. The bearer of
 +the message was a countryman of his own, named Giuliano di Bartolomeo
 +di Giocondo, and Vespucci would have us believe that the King attached
 +importance to his entering the Portuguese service. The Visconde de
 +Santarem has searched the archives in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, and
 +all the Portuguese documents in Paris, without once meeting with the
 +name of Vespucci. This absence of all official allusion to him points
 +to the conclusion that he never held any important position as pilot or
 +commander. He asserts that he joined a Portuguese
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexii"​ name="​pagexii"></​a>​[xii]</​span>​
 +                                                  expedition of discovery
 +along the coast of Brazil, which sailed on March 10th, 1501, and returned
 +on September 7th, 1502.<a href="#​note-22"​ name="​noteref-22"><​small>​ 22</​small></​a>​ In the following March or April (1503)
 +he addressed a letter to the head of the mercantile house to which he
 +had belonged, Lorenzo Piero Francesco di Medici, giving his account of
 +the voyage. On May 10th, 1503, he sailed from Lisbon on another voyage,
 +returning on June 28th, 1504.
 +In the following September he finished writing the famous letter
 +containing an account of his alleged four voyages. The original Italian
 +version was sent to a magnificent Lord, who is supposed to have been Piero
 +Soderini, Gonfaloniere of Florence in 1504; and a French translation
 +was sent to Renè, Duke of Lorraine. Soon afterwards Vespucci left the
 +Portuguese service and returned to Spain.
 +In February 1505, the Admiral, Christopher Columbus, was laid up with
 +an illness at Seville, while his brother and his son Diego were at
 +court. Vespucci, having returned to Spain from Lisbon,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexiii"​ name="​pagexiii"></​a>​[xiii]</​span>​
 +                                                       went to pay his
 +respects to the great discoverer, and the Admiral entrusted him with a
 +letter to his son. "The bearer of this letter",​ wrote Columbus, "is going
 +to court on matters relating to navigation. He always showed a desire to
 +please me, and he is a very respectable man. Fortune has been adverse
 +to him, as to many others. His labours have not been so profitable to
 +him as might have been expected. He leaves me with the desire to do
 +me service, if it should be in his power."​ Vespucci had evidently been
 +complaining to the Admiral that his Portuguese service had been a failure,
 +and had brought him no profit. He went on to the court of Ferdinand,
 +and soon obtained employment; receiving letters of naturalisation on
 +the 24th of April 1505<a href="#​note-23"​ name="​noteref-23"><​small>​ 23</​small></​a>;​ but there is no record of his ever having
 +been of any service to the Admiral. He was very plausible, and knew how
 +to ingratiate himself with men in power. It was intended to send him on
 +a voyage of discovery with Vicente Yañez Pinzon, and in 1506 and 1507
 +he was engaged in purchasing provisions for the voyage; but the idea of
 +despatching this expedition was abandoned in 1508.<a href="#​note-24"​ name="​noteref-24"><​small>​ 24</​small></​a>​
 +It has been supposed, from a sentence in a letter from Hieronimo Vianelo,
 +the Venetian Ambassador, dated at Burgos on December 23rd, 1506, that
 +Vespucci accompanied Juan de la Cosa on a voyage of discovery to the
 +Indies during that year.<a href="#​note-25"​ name="​noteref-25"><​small>​ 25</​small></​a>​ "The
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexiv"​ name="​pagexiv"></​a>​[xiv]</​span>​
 +                                  two ships have arrived from the Indies
 +which went on a voyage of discovery under Juan Biscaino and Almerigo
 +Fiorentino."​ But Vianelo must have been misinformed. There are documentary
 +proofs that Vespucci was in Spain until August 1506. It is highly
 +probable that the voluble Florentine retailed the story of Juan de la
 +Cosa's voyage in such a way as to give Vianelo the impression that the
 +narrator took part in it himself. The story of the voyage, as we find it
 +in the letter of the Venetian Ambassador, is quite in Vespucci'​s manner.
 +On the 6th of August 1508, Amerigo Vespucci received the appointment of
 +Chief Pilot (<​i>​Piloto Mayor</​i>​) of Spain, with a salary of 75,000 maravedis
 +a year.<a href="#​note-26"​ name="​noteref-26"><​small>​ 26</​small></​a>​ The "Real Titulo",​ or commission, is a curious and very
 +interesting document. He is ordered to prepare an authoritative chart,
 +called a "​Padron General",​ on which all discoveries are to be shown,
 +and whence the charts for all ships are to be copied; and he is also
 +to examine all pilots in the use of the astrolabe and quadrant, and
 +to give instruction in his house at Seville. Vespucci was able to give
 +theoretical instruction in cosmography;​ although a man who first went
 +to sea when he was nearly fifty, and who had only made three voyages,
 +could not be an experienced pilot. With such experts as Juan de la Cosa,
 +Juan Diaz de Solis, Vicente Pinzon, and others, available, it was indeed
 +a strange selection. But Ferdinand and Fonseca
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexv"​ name="​pagexv"></​a>​[xv]</​span>​
 +                                                were notorious for their
 +bad appointments. Columbus was sent home in chains, Blasco Nuñez de Balboa
 +was beheaded; while high places, for which they were more or less unfit,
 +were entrusted to Ovando, Bobadilla, Pedrarias, and Vespucci.
 +Vespucci held the appointment of Chief Pilot until the 22nd of February
 +1512, when he died at Seville, aged 61. He had married a Spaniard
 +named Maria Cerezo, but left no children. His widow received a pension
 +of 10,000 maravedis,<​a href="#​note-27"​ name="​noteref-27"><​small>​ 27</​small></​a>​ to be paid out of the salary of her husband'​s
 +successor,<​a href="#​note-28"​ name="​noteref-28"><​small>​ 28</​small></​a>​ Juan Diaz de Solis. Vespucci left his papers to his nephew
 +Giovanni, son of his brother Antonio, who received the appointment of a
 +royal pilot, with a salary of 20,000 maravedis, on May 22nd, 1512.<a href="#​note-29"​ name="​noteref-29"><​small>​ 29</​small></​a>​
 +He went as chief pilot in the expedition of Pedrarias Davila in 1514;
 +and is mentioned as a royal pilot in 1515 and 1516. In 1524 he was a
 +member of the Badajoz Commission, but was dismissed in March 1525.
 +This is all that is known of the life of Amerigo Vespucci, beyond what
 +is contained in his own letters, which we will now proceed to consider
 +in detail.
 +Of the two letters of Vespucci that have been preserved, the earliest
 +was written from Lisbon in March or April 1503, and was addressed to
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexvi"​ name="​pagexvi"></​a>​[xvi]</​span>​
 +        Piero Francesco di Medici. The original Italian text is lost, but
 +it was translated into Latin by "​Jocundus Interpreter",​ who is supposed
 +to have been the same Giuliano di Bartolomeo di Giocondo who brought
 +the invitation to Vespucci to come to Portugal in 1501.<a href="#​note-30"​ name="​noteref-30"><​small>​ 30</​small></​a>​ The letter
 +describes the voyage of discovery sent from Lisbon in May 1501, in which
 +Vespucci alleged that he took part. He alludes to a previous letter
 +in which he had fully described "the new countries",​ and continues:
 +"it is lawful to call it a new world, because none of these countries
 +were known to our ancestors, and to all who hear about them they will
 +be entirely new." He does not mention the name of the commander of the
 +expedition, and assumes all the glory of the discovery for himself. "<​i>​I</​i>​
 +have found a continent in that southern part more populous and more
 +full of animals than our Europe or Asia or Africa."<​a href="#​note-31"​ name="​noteref-31"><​small>​ 31</​small></​a>​ Moreover, the
 +safety of the ships, their navigation across the ocean, their escape
 +from perils, were all due to this wonderful beef contractor, if we are
 +to believe his own account. "If my companions had not trusted in me,
 +to whom cosmography was known, no one, not the leader of our navigation,
 +would have known where we were after running five hundred leagues."​ He
 +goes on to tell us that his "​knowledge of the marine chart, and the rules
 +taught by it, were more worth than all the pilots in the world"​.<​a href="#​note-32"​ name="​noteref-32"><​small>​ 32</​small></​a>​
 +After relating some fictitious stories about the natives and
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexvii"​ name="​pagexvii"></​a>​[xvii]</​span>​
 + their
 +cannibalism,​ and giving a glowing but vague account of the vegetation,
 +he concludes with some absurd remarks about the stars of the southern
 +hemisphere, which he has the assurance to tell us were measured by him
 +to see which was the largest. The letter concludes with the statement
 +that this was his third voyage, as he had made two by order of the King
 +of Spain. This is the first intimation of a design to make two voyages
 +out of the Hojeda expedition, one of which was to precede the Admiral'​s
 +discovery of the mainland. He also announces his intention of collecting
 +all the wonderful things he had seen into a cosmographical book, that
 +his record may live with future generations,​ intending to complete it,
 +with the aid of friends, at home. The letter shows the character of the
 +man, and how little reliance can be placed on his statements.
 +The letter to Medici was printed very soon after it was written. The
 +first issue, entitled <​i>​Mundus Novus</​i>,​ consisting of four 4to leaves,
 +and the second, <​i>​Epistola Albericij de Novo Mundo</​i>,​ are without place
 +or date. A copy of the third, printed at Augsburg in 1504, and entitled
 +<​i>​Mundus Novus</​i>,​ is in the Grenville Library. Then followed two others,
 +and the sixth issue was the early Paris edition of Jean Lambert, a copy
 +of which is in the Bibliothèque Nationale. Another Paris edition, nearly
 +as old, is in the Grenville Library. In 1505, an issue, entitled <i>De Ora
 +Antarctica</​i>,​ and edited by Ringmann, appeared at Strasbourg. The letter
 +was also included
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexviii"​ name="​pagexviii"></​a>​[xviii]</​span>​
 +                  in the book of voyages, <​i>​Paesi novamente retrovati</​i>,​
 +printed at Vicenza in 1507, where it was called <​i>​Novo Mondo da Alb.
 +Vesputio</​i>​. It was thus widely circulated over Europe, and Vespucci
 +obtained the credit of discoveries made by the unnamed Portuguese
 +commander. The title, <​i>​Novus Mundus</​i>,​ is taken from the opening boast
 +of his letter, that it is lawful to call the discovery <i>a new world</​i>​
 +because no one had ever seen it before. It was thus that Vespucci got
 +his name connected, throughout Europe, with the discovery of a New World,
 +and this prepared the way for the proposal to give it the name of America!
 +The more important letter of Vespucci, containing the account of
 +his alleged four voyages, was written in September 1504, a short
 +time before he left Portugal. A copy, in French, was sent to René
 +II, Duke of Lorraine, while the Italian original was addressed to a
 +"​Magnificent Lord", who is supposed, with much probability,​ to have
 +been Piero Soderini, the Gonfaloniere of Florence from 1502 to 1512.
 +Vespucci speaks of him as having been his schoolfellow,​ and as being, at
 +the time the letter was written, in a high official position at Florence.
 +The French copy was translated into Latin, and published at St. Dié in
 +April 1507, in the <​i>​Cosmographiæ Introductio</​i>,​ a rare little book by the
 +Professor of Cosmography at the University of St. Dié in Lorraine, named
 +Martin Waldzeemüller,​ who used the <​i>​nom de plume</​i>​ of Hylacomylus. The
 +Italian version was also printed at an early date, a little
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexix"​ name="​pagexix"></​a>​[xix]</​span>​
 + ​volume in
 +quarto of thirty-two pages, without place or year. It is excessively rare,
 +only four copies being known to exist. One belonged to Baccio Valori,
 +and from it Bandini published a new edition in 1745. It was afterwards
 +the property of the Marchese Gino Capponi. The second belonged to Gaetano
 +Poggiale of Leghorn, and is now in the Palatine Library at Florence. The
 +third is in the Grenville Library. The fourth belonged to the Carthusian
 +Monastery at Seville, and was bought by Varnhagen in 1863 at Havanna.<​a href="#​note-33"​ name="​noteref-33"><​small>​ 33</​small></​a>​
 +The Medici letter, and both the Latin and Italian versions of the Soderini
 +letter, are given by Varnhagen in his work on Vespucci.
 +There are forty-four words or expressions of Spanish or Portuguese origin
 +in the Italian version,<​a href="#​note-34"​ name="​noteref-34"><​small>​ 34</​small></​a>​
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexx"​ name="​pagexx"></​a>​[xx]</​span>​
 +                            which Vespucci must have got into the habit
 +of using during his long residence in Spain, even when writing in his
 +own language. Twelve of these refer to things belonging to the sea or
 +ships,<a href="#​note-35"​ name="​noteref-35"><​small>​ 35</​small></​a>​ an indication that Vespucci was ignorant of maritime affairs
 +before he went to sea with Hojeda in 1499. But the Hispanicisms also show
 +that the letter to Soderini was written by an Italian who had lived for
 +several years among Spaniards. Vespucci answers to this description. He
 +had been ten years in Spain or Portugal, or in Spanish or Portuguese
 +ships, when he composed the letter to Soderini.
 +The feature in Vespucci'​s letters that has struck nearly all the students
 +who have examined them, is their extraordinary vagueness. Not a single
 +name of a commander is mentioned, and in the account of the two Spanish
 +voyages there are not half-a-dozen names of places. The admirers of
 +Vespucci explain this away by pointing out that he was corresponding
 +with a friend, and only wrote what was likely to amuse him; and that he
 +refers to a book he had written for fuller details. This might explain
 +many omissions, but it is scarcely sufficient to account for the absolute
 +silence respecting commanders and comrades, whom it would be as natural
 +to mention
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxi"​ name="​pagexxi"></​a>​[xxi]</​span>​
 +           as dates or the number of ships, and quite as entertaining.
 +This extraordinary silence can really be accounted for only by the
 +assumption that no real names could be made to fit into the facts as he
 +gave them. This is, no doubt, the true explanation.
 +The "​book"​ is referred to in four places in the Soderini letter, and
 +once in the Medici letter. In one place Vespucci says: "In these four
 +voyages I have seen so many things different from our customs that I have
 +written a book to be called <​i>​The Four Voyages</​i>,​ in which I have related
 +the greater part of the things that I saw, very clearly and to the best
 +of my ability. I have not yet published it, because my own affairs are in
 +such a bad state that I have no taste for what I have written, yet I am
 +inclined to publish it. In this work will be seen every event in detail,
 +so I do not enlarge upon them here."<​a href="#​note-36"​ name="​noteref-36"><​small>​ 36</​small></​a>​ A little further on he says:
 +"In each of my voyages I have noted down the most remarkable things,
 +and all is reduced to a volume, in the geographical style, entitled <​i>​The
 +Four Voyages</​i>,​ in which all things are described in detail; but I have
 +not yet sent out a copy, because it is necessary for me to revise it."<​a href="#​note-37"​ name="​noteref-37"><​small>​ 37</​small></​a>​
 +According to these two statements the book had been actually written, but
 +not yet revised or shown to anyone. He also speaks of his observations
 +of fixed stars as being in his <​i>​Four Voyages</​i>​.<​a href="#​note-38"​ name="​noteref-38"><​small>​ 38</​small></​a>​ But towards the end
 +of the letter he says that he refrains from recounting certain events,
 +because he reserves
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxii"​ name="​pagexxii"></​a>​[xxii]</​span>​
 +                    them for his <​i>​Four Voyages</​i>;​ and in the Medici
 +letter he speaks of "​completing his work in consultation with learned
 +persons and aided by friends, when he should return home."<​a href="#​note-39"​ name="​noteref-39"><​small>​ 39</​small></​a>​ From
 +these passages the most probable conclusion is, that this book was never
 +actually written, but that Vespucci intended to write such a work when he
 +retired to Florence. He, however, never returned home. He went to Spain
 +and obtained lucrative employment there, and the idea of writing a book
 +was abandoned. He would not have dared to publish the story of his first
 +voyage in a country where the truth was well known.
 +The statement made by Vespucci respecting his alleged first voyage is as
 +follows: He says that an expedition of discovery was sent by the King,
 +consisting of four ships, and that the King chose him to go with it. He
 +does not mention the name of the commander of the expedition, nor of
 +any of the captains or pilots; but he asserts that he was away eighteen
 +months, and that he discovered a great extent of mainland and an infinite
 +number of islands. The ships, he alleges, sailed from Cadiz on the 10th
 +of May 1497, and proceeded to Grand Canary, which he says is in 37° 30&​prime;​
 +N. lat., and 280 leagues from Lisbon. Thence they sailed for thirty-seven
 +days on a W.S.W. course, making 1,000 leagues, when they reached the coast
 +of the mainland in latitude 16° N., and longitude from Canary 70° W.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxiii"​ name="​pagexxiii"></​a>​[xxiii]</​span></​p>​
 +He describes the manners and customs of the people in considerable detail,
 +and enumerates the animals, giving a particular account of the <​i>​iguana</​i>,​
 +but without giving the animal a name. He also tells us that the native
 +names for their different kinds of food are <​i>​Yuca</​i>,​ <​i>​Casabi</​i>,​ and
 +<​i>​Ignami</​i>;​ and that the word for a man of great wisdom is <​i>​Carabi</​i>​. He
 +describes a village with forty-four large huts built over the water on
 +poles, like a little Venice.
 +After sailing for eighty leagues along the coast he came to another
 +province, of which he gives the name. It is <​i>​Parias</​i>​ in the Latin version,
 +but in the Italian version <​i>​L</​i>​ has been substituted for <​i>​P</​i>,​ and a <​i>​b</​i>​
 +for <​i>​s</​i>,​ so that the word becomes <​i>​Lariab</​i>​. Then comes the audacious
 +assertion to which all this was leading. He says that he sailed along
 +the coast, always on a N.W. course, for 870 leagues. At the end of this
 +marvellous voyage he came to "the finest harbour in the world",​ where he
 +found a friendly people, and remained to refit for thirty-seven days. Here
 +the natives complained that they were subject to attacks from savage
 +people who came from islands at a distance of about 100 leagues to the
 +east. The Spaniards agreed to chastise the islanders, and after sailing
 +N.E. and E. for 100 leagues they came to islands where the natives were
 +called <​i>​Iti</​i>​. They had an encounter with them, in which one Spaniard
 +was killed and twenty-two were wounded. But they took 222 prisoners,
 +and sold them as slaves when they returned to Cadiz on October 15th, 1498.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxiv"​ name="​pagexxiv"></​a>​[xxiv]</​span></​p>​
 +Vespucci'​s account of the second voyage is that the expedition, consisting
 +of three ships, sailed from Cadiz on May 16th, 1499, and stopped some
 +days at the island of Fuoco. They then crossed the ocean after a voyage
 +of forty-four days, going over 500 leagues on a S.W. course. The landfall
 +was in 5° S., and the country was inundated by the mouths of a great
 +river. They then steered north, and came to an excellent port formed by
 +a large island. He describes the chase of a canoe, manned by cannibal
 +people called <​i>​Cambali</​i>;​ and the intercourse with inhabitants who told
 +them about the pearl fishery.
 +They next landed on an island, fifteen leagues from the land, where the
 +inhabitants,​ for want of water, chewed a green herb mixed with white
 +powder. Leaving this island, they came to another where the people were
 +so tall that it was named the <​i>​Island of the Giants</​i>​. They continued
 +to sail along the coast, having many encounters with the natives. They
 +found the latitude to be 15° N., and here they came to a harbour for
 +repairing their ships, where the inhabitants were very friendly. They
 +remained forty-seven days, and collected many pearls. Departing from
 +this port, they shaped a course for <​i>​Antiglia</​i>​ (<​i>​Española</​i>​),​ where
 +they obtained supplies, remaining two months and seventeen days. Here,
 +he says, they endured many dangers and troubles from the same Christians
 +who were in this island with Columbus, and he believed this was caused
 +by envy. They left the island on the 22nd of July,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxv"​ name="​pagexxv"></​a>​[xxv]</​span>​
 +                                                   and, after a voyage
 +of a month and a half, they returned to Cadiz on the 8th of September,
 +the year not given.
 +Las Casas, giving Vespucci credit for two voyages, seems to have thought
 +that he might have been with Hojeda again on his second voyage from
 +1502 to 1504. But Vespucci asserts that he was in Portugal, or serving
 +on board Portuguese ships, during the whole of that period.
 +The first voyage appears, both from internal and external evidence,
 +to be imaginary. The second voyage is the first of Hojeda inaccurately
 +told, while two or three incidents of the Hojeda voyage are transferred
 +to the imaginary first voyage. The assertion that the King sent an
 +expedition of discovery, consisting of four ships, in May 1497, is not
 +corroborated. There is no record of any such expedition, and there is
 +much collateral evidence, which will be discussed further on, that no
 +expedition was despatched by the King in that year. If such a royal
 +expedition had been despatched, with such marvellous results, Las Casas
 +could not have been ignorant of the fact. It has been suggested that four
 +out of twelve ships supplied to the King by Juanato Berardi might have
 +been used for this expedition, and that its despatch is not impossible,
 +because May 10th, 1497, the date of sailing given by Vespucci, is previous
 +to June 2nd, 1497, the date of the royal order cancelling permission
 +for private ships to go to the Indies. But the alleged expedition was
 +sent by the King, and was not a private
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxvi"​ name="​pagexxvi"></​a>​[xxvi]</​span>​
 +                                        one. It is more likely that
 +Vespucci purposely selected a date previous to June 2nd.
 +The voyage across the Atlantic to the mainland, in 16° N., is described
 +by Vespucci as having been performed in thirty-seven days, with
 +a W.S.W. course, and a distance of 1,000 leagues. Such a course and
 +distance would have taken him to the Gulf of Paria, not to a coast in
 +latitude 16° N. Even with a course direct to that point, and disregarding
 +the intervening land, the distance he gives would leave him 930 miles
 +short of the alleged position. No actual navigator would have made such a
 +blunder. He was quoting the reckoning from Hojeda'​s voyage, and invented
 +the latitude at random. When he came to his second voyage, to make a
 +difference, he halved the distance, saying that he was forty-four days
 +going 500 leagues on a S.W. course. He also gives 15° as the latitude
 +of the coast discovered when he was with Hojeda, though no part of that
 +coast is north of 13°. His crowning statement that, starting from 23°
 +N., he went 870 leagues along a coast always on a N.W. course, is still
 +more preposterous. Such a course and distance would have taken him right
 +across the continent of North America into British Columbia.
 +Varnhagen accepts the Florentine'​s latitudes, and assumes that when in
 +23° N. he was near Tampico, on the coast of Mexico. But he rejects the
 +impossible courses and distances of Vespucci, substituting an imaginary
 +voyage of his own, by which he takes our contractor along the coast of
 +North America,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxvii"​ name="​pagexxvii"></​a>​[xxvii]</​span>​
 +               round the peninsula of Florida, and up to Cape Hatteras,
 +where, he confesses, "the finest harbour in the world" is not to be
 +found. But such a voyage is a pure assumption, and as a serious argument
 +it is quite inadmissible. The evidence is the other way. The latitudes
 +are wrong, judging from the one latitude given by the Florentine in his
 +second voyage, while the courses and distances might be relied upon as
 +roughly correct if they were given by an honest man. Their absurdity
 +proves the imposture.
 +From "the best harbour in the world" Vespucci says that he went eastward
 +for 100 leagues to some very populous islands called <​i>​Iti</​i>,​ where the
 +people, after severe fighting, were defeated by the Spaniards, 222 being
 +carried off as slaves. Having brought his <​i>​protégé</​i>​ to Cape Hatteras,
 +Varnhagen would identify <​i>​Iti</​i>​ with Bermuda. But there were no natives
 +on Bermuda when it was discovered, and no indications that it had ever
 +been inhabited. The islands where this wholesale kidnapping took place,
 +if the story has any foundation in fact, were probably the Windward
 +Islands or the Bahamas, visited by Hojeda with this object after he
 +left St. Domingo. The word <​i>​Iti</​i>​ appears to have been an invention
 +of Vespucci: perhaps he was thinking of the old Italian form <​i>​Iti</​i>​
 +("​gone"​)&​mdash;​which he uses in its proper sense in his second voyage&​mdash;​or of
 +<​i>​Hayti</​i>,​ the native name for Española.
 +There are two, or perhaps three, incidents in the story of the alleged
 +first voyage which happened in
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxviii"​ name="​pagexxviii"></​a>​[xxviii]</​span>​
 +                               the voyage when Vespucci was with Hojeda.
 +The first is the village built on piles over the water. Such a village
 +was discovered by Hojeda at the entrance of the Gulf of Maracaibo, and
 +called Little Venice, or Venezuela. Vespucci describes exactly the same
 +thing in his first voyage, but does not mention it in his second (or
 +Hojeda) voyage. He took it out of the real voyage in order to embellish
 +the imaginary one. Varnhagen argues that there might easily have been
 +two villages built on piles. But that is not the point. The point is,
 +that there is no mention of the fact in its proper place, while it
 +occurs in this imaginary voyage in a way that points unmistakably to the
 +source whence it came. Then there is "the best harbour in the world",​
 +where there were friendly natives, and where the ships were refitted,
 +the duration of the stay being given as thirty-seven days in the first,
 +and forty-four days in the second voyage; evidently the same incident,
 +serving for the imaginary as well as for the real voyage. This "best
 +harbour in the world" was, according to Las Casas, the Gulf of Cariaco,
 +near Cumana, where Hojeda refitted. Lastly, there is the encounter with
 +natives, when one Spaniard was killed and twenty-two wounded. Vespucci
 +asserts that an encounter took place during his first voyage with this
 +number of casualties. Las Casas had seen a letter from Roldan, containing
 +information from Hojeda'​s officers, in which an encounter is mentioned
 +with the same casualties, one killed and about twenty wounded. Modern
 +critics will agree with Las
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxix"​ name="​pagexxix"></​a>​[xxix]</​span>​
 +                            Casas that this coincidence is alone
 +sufficient to prove the fictitious character of the first voyage of
 +The greater part of Vespucci'​s narrative of his first voyage is taken
 +up with accounts of the manners and customs of the natives; touching
 +which Las Casas has made some very pertinent remarks. Many of the things
 +Vespucci states could not have been known to him in the few days that
 +he remained on the coast, because he did not know a single word of the
 +language, as he himself confesses. He can only be believed in those
 +statements based on what he actually saw or might have seen, and all
 +these are perfectly applicable to the natives of the coast seen during
 +Hojeda'​s voyage. The rest are pronounced by Las Casas to be all fiction;
 +as well as his enumeration of the animals he saw. Vespucci gives one word
 +in the native language&​mdash;<​i>​Carabi</​i>,​ meaning "a man of great wisdom"​. Upon
 +this Las Casas remarks that the Spaniards did not even know the names
 +for bread or for water, yet Vespucci wants us to believe that, during
 +the few days he remained at that place, he understood that <​i>​Carabi</​i>​
 +signified a man of great wisdom. He got the word, of course, from the
 +name of the people he heard of during the voyage of Hojeda&​mdash;​the Carribs,
 +or Canibas&​mdash;​and made it serve his purpose in this passage.<​a href="#​note-40"​ name="​noteref-40"><​small>​ 40</​small></​a>​
 +Vespucci does not mention the names of the commanders
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxx"​ name="​pagexxx"></​a>​[xxx]</​span>​
 +                                                      of the
 +expedition, nor of any of his Spanish comrades; and he gives only one
 +native word, <​i>​Carabi</​i>;​ three names of articles of food, <​i>​Yuca</​i>,​ <​i>​Casabi</​i>,​
 +and <​i>​Ignami</​i>;​ and two names of places, <​i>​Iti</​i>​ and <​i>​Parias</​i>​ (or <​i>​Lariab</​i>?​).
 +Two of the names for food, <​i>​Yuca</​i>​ and <​i>​Casabi</​i>,​ belong to the language
 +of the Antilles, and Vespucci would have heard of them during his voyage
 +with Hojeda. <​i>​Ignami</​i>​ is an African word, which he would have picked up
 +at Lisbon. The use of the word <​i>​Yuca</​i>,​ as belonging to the language of
 +the natives of the Mexican coast near 23° N., is one more proof of the
 +imposture of his narrative.<​a href="#​note-41"​ name="​noteref-41"><​small>​ 41</​small></​a>​
 +The name of <​i>​Parias</​i>​ requires fuller notice. It is alleged to be the
 +name of a province in 23° N., and is thus spelt in the Latin version.
 +Las Casas, therefore, naturally used it as one argument against the truth
 +of Vespucci'​s narrative, for <​i>​Paria</​i>​ was well known to be a province of
 +the mainland opposite the island of Trinidad, discovered by Columbus. But
 +in the Italian version the word is <​i>​Lariab</​i>,​ an <​i>​L</​i>​ being substituted
 +for <​i>​P</​i>,​ and <​i>​b</​i>​ for <​i>​s</​i>​. Varnhagen endeavours to make a strong point
 +of this discrepancy. He eagerly adopts <​i>​Lariab</​i>​ as the correct form,
 +having found (not <​i>​Lariab</​i>​) but two words ending in <​i>​ab</​i>​ in a vocabulary
 +of the Huasteca Indians, whose country is near the northern frontier of
 +Mexico. It is impossible to ascertain, with certainty, whether <​i>​Parias</​i>,​
 +or <​i>​Lariab</​i>,​ or either, was the word in the original
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxi"​ name="​pagexxxi"></​a>​[xxxi]</​span>​
 +                                                     ​manuscript of
 +Vespucci, which is lost. It is in favour of <​i>​Lariab</​i>​ that the Italian
 +version was probably printed from the manuscript without previous
 +translation;​ while the version containing <​i>​Parias</​i>​ was translated into
 +French, and then into Latin, before it was printed. On the other hand,
 +there is strong reason for the belief that the editor of the Latin version
 +had not then heard of the particulars of the third voyage of Columbus,
 +or of the name of Paria.<a href="#​note-42"​ name="​noteref-42"><​small>​ 42</​small></​a>​ In that case it could not have come into
 +his head to print <​i>​Parias</​i>​ for <​i>​Lariab</​i>,​ and consequently <​i>​Parias</​i>​ was
 +the original form, and <​i>​Lariab</​i>​ a misprint of the Italian version. On the
 +whole, <​i>​Parias</​i>​ is probably correct; but the question is not important,
 +because the evidence against Vespucci is quite sufficient without the
 +<​i>​Parias</​i>​ argument.
 +The internal evidence against the authenticity of the first voyage is
 +conclusive. It satisfied the impartial and acute historian Las Casas
 +at the time, and has not been shaken by the arguments of Varnhagen,
 +who did not adduce any new facts. But the external evidence is even
 +stronger. It was evident to Varnhagen that it was a necessity of his
 +argument that an expedition should be provided, with which Vespucci might
 +have sailed. Without vessels and a commander there could have been no
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxii"​ name="​pagexxxii"></​a>​[xxxii]</​span>​
 + ​voyage. These essentials have been furnished by the rehabilitator of
 +Vespucci with some audacity. It was recorded by Las Casas and Herrera
 +that, after the return of Columbus from his last voyage in 1505, an
 +expedition to follow up his discoveries was fitted out by Vicente Yañez
 +Pinzon, Juan Diaz de Solis, and Pedro de Ledesma, and that they discovered
 +the coast of Yucatan. Herrera gives the date 1506; but the real date
 +was 1508, as given by Peter Martyr.<​a href="#​note-43"​ name="​noteref-43"><​small>​ 43</​small></​a>​ The authority for the narratives
 +of Las Casas and Herrera is the evidence given by Pinzon, Ledesma, and
 +others, in the Columbus lawsuit. Peter Martyr, however, collected his
 +information on the subject independently. Varnhagen suggests that these
 +navigators did not undertake their voyage, in 1508, after the return of
 +Columbus, but in 1497, and that this was the first voyage of Vespucci.
 +The arguments for this alteration of eleven years in the date of a voyage
 +of discovery are slight indeed. Oviedo, in his <​i>​History of the Indies</​i>,​
 +wrote that the pilots Pinzon, Solis, and Ledesma discovered the Honduras
 +coast with three vessels, before Pinzon was off the mouth of the Amazon,
 +which was in 1499; and Gomara has the following passage: "but some say
 +that Pinzon and Solis had been on the Honduras coast three years before
 +Columbus."​ These writers were unscrupulous,​ and
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxiii"​ name="​pagexxxiii"></​a>​[xxxiii]</​span>​
 +                                                 ​hostile to Columbus.
 +It requires somewhat bold assurance to give the date of 1497 to the
 +Pinzon and Solis voyages on the strength of these passages. Oviedo
 +indeed puts Vespucci out of court at once, for he says that Pinzon,
 +Solis, and Ledesma sailed with three vessels; while Vespucci asserts
 +that in his first voyage there were four vessels. Moreover, Ledesma,
 +who was pilot and captain of one of the vessels, was a lad of 21 in 1497,
 +and could not have been in such a position; but in 1508, when the Pinzon
 +and Solis expedition really sailed, he was of a suitable age.<a href="#​note-44"​ name="​noteref-44"><​small>​ 44</​small></​a>​
 +Although the expedition of Pinzon, Solis, and Ledesma certainly did
 +not take place in 1497, there has always been some obscurity attending
 +its history, which has only recently been cleared up through the
 +able researches of Mr. Harrisse.<​a href="#​note-45"​ name="​noteref-45"><​small>​ 45</​small></​a>​ The confusion has arisen from
 +discrepancies between the evidence given by Pinzon and Ledesma in the
 +Columbus lawsuit. Pinzon said that he reached the island of Guanaja in the
 +Gulf of Honduras, and then followed the coast east as far as the provinces
 +of Chabaca and Pintigron, and the mountains of Caria (Paria?). But
 +Ledesma said that they went north from the island of Guanaja, came to
 +Chabaca and Pintigron, and reached a point as far north as
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxiv"​ name="​pagexxxiv"></​a>​[xxxiv]</​span>​
 +                                                            23&​frac12;​°.
 +Here there is clearly a mistake, one going east and the other north,
 +yet both coming to Chabaca and Pintigron. It can only be decided whether
 +the mistake is in the evidence of Pinzon or of Ledesma by ascertaining
 +the positions of Chabaca and Pintigron; and the explanation is afforded
 +by Peter Martyr in his second <​i>​Decade</​i>​.<​a href="#​note-46"​ name="​noteref-46"><​small>​ 46</​small></​a>​ He there says that Pinzon
 +turned his course to the east ("​towards the left hand") towards Paria,
 +where princes came to him named Chiauaccha<​a href="#​note-47"​ name="​noteref-47"><​small>​ 47</​small></​a>​ and Pintiguanus. Ledesma'​s
 +northerly course was either a falsehood, as Mr. Harrisse rather hastily
 +assumes, or a clerical or printer'​s error. The only voyage of Pinzon and
 +Solis took place in 1508,<a href="#​note-48"​ name="​noteref-48"><​small>​ 48</​small></​a>​ and was from the Gulf of Honduras eastward
 +to Paria.
 +There was no voyage of discovery sent by the King in 1497. When
 +Diego Columbus instituted the lawsuit to recover his father'​s rights,
 +the Crown lawyers turned every stone for evidence that others made
 +discoveries besides the Admiral. The lawsuit lasted from 1508 to 1527.
 +If an expedition sent by the King in 1497 had discovered 870 leagues of
 +new coast-line, it is incredible that the proofs would not then have
 +been forthcoming,​ when many of those who took part in the expedition
 +must have been alive, and there was not only no reason for secrecy,
 +but the strongest motive for publicity.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxv"​ name="​pagexxxv"></​a>​[xxxv]</​span></​p>​
 +When the evidence respecting Pinzon and Solis was taken in 1516, Vespucci
 +had been dead some years. He had never ventured to publish his letter in
 +Spain; but Fernando Columbus purchased a copy at Rome and added it to his
 +library at Seville in 1515, three years after Vespucci'​s death. If the
 +first voyage had not been known to be a fabrication,​ the letter would
 +have been eagerly brought forward as evidence of extensive discoveries
 +not made by the Admiral. For by that time other copies, besides the one
 +in Fernando'​s library, had probably reached Spain.
 +Then there is the negative evidence of maps. Juan de la Cosa drew his
 +famous map of the world in 1500, after serving in the voyage of Hojeda,
 +in company with Vespucci. He placed flags on the discovered parts, and
 +one on each of the farthest known points. There is a Spanish flag at
 +Cabo de la Vela, the extreme point then known in South America, another
 +at the extreme point reached by Columbus on the north coast of Cuba,
 +and an English flag at the extreme point reached by Cabot. A conjectural
 +line runs round from the last English to the first Spanish flag, and
 +there is no sign of the alleged Vespucci discoveries. If it is suggested
 +that the Florentine himself kept them secret, without any conceivable
 +object for doing so, there were all his companions to proclaim them,
 +and there must have been an official report. If those 870 leagues of
 +coast had been discovered, the discovery must have been shown on the
 +map of Juan de la Cosa.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxvi"​ name="​pagexxxvi"></​a>​[xxxvi]</​span></​p>​
 +The Cantino map furnishes additional evidence against Vespucci of
 +an interesting kind. This map of the world was compiled for the Duke
 +of Ferrara by order of Alberto Cantino, to illustrate the voyages of
 +Corte Real. It was drawn by a Portuguese draughtsman at Lisbon, and was
 +finished in the autumn of 1502, having been paid for in November of that
 +year. On the Cantino map, the coast-line discovered by Hojeda in 1499 is
 +shown. It is not copied from the map of Juan de la Cosa, for most of the
 +names are different<​a href="#​note-49"​ name="​noteref-49"><​small>​ 49</​small></​a>;​ but the information must have been supplied by
 +some one who was in Hojeda'​s expedition. Vespucci was in Lisbon in the
 +autumn of 1502; it is, therefore, almost certain that this coast-line
 +was laid down from information supplied by Vespucci.<​a href="#​note-50"​ name="​noteref-50"><​small>​ 50</​small></​a>​ If Vespucci,
 +in 1497, had discovered a coast-line between 16° and 23° N.,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxvii"​ name="​pagexxxvii"></​a>​[xxxvii]</​span>​
 +                                                             and another
 +coast-line extending from 23° N. for 870 leagues N. W., these marvellous
 +discoveries would also appear on the Cantino map. But there is not a sign
 +of them. We may conclude from this that Vespucci had not yet conceived
 +the idea of the fictitious voyage of 1497, when he assisted Cantino'​s
 +draughtsman in the autumn of 1502. The imposture is first hinted at some
 +six months afterwards in the Medici letter of March 1503. Peter Martyr
 +gives corroborative evidence that Vespucci assisted the Portuguese
 +cartographer. He says that he visited Bishop Fonseca, and was shown
 +"many of those mappes which are commonly called the shipman cardes,
 +or cardes of the sea: of the which, one was drawen by the Portugales,
 +wherunto Americus Vesputius is said to have put his hande, beinge a man
 +experte in this facultie, and a Florentine borne."<​a href="#​note-51"​ name="​noteref-51"><​small>​ 51</​small></​a>​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxviii"​ name="​pagexxxviii"></​a>​[xxxviii]</​span></​p>​
 +Further evidence against Vespucci is furnished by the map which was
 +prepared in 1511 to illustrate Peter Martyr'​s <​i>​Decades</​i>​. This author was
 +personally acquainted with Vespucci, who was then chief pilot of Spain,
 +and was intimate with his nephew Giovanni. Yet there is not a sign of
 +Vespucci'​s alleged discoveries in 1497 on the map of 1511. There was no
 +motive for secrecy on the part of Vespucci, or on the part of the captains
 +and pilots of the four ships; on the contrary, their interest was to
 +make the discoveries public and get credit for them. Bermuda appears
 +for the first time on the map of 1511, having been discovered by Juan
 +Bermudez. But there is no mention of <​i>​Iti</​i>​. In this same year, Ponce
 +de Leon obtained a concession for the discovery of that very coast of
 +Florida which, according to Varnhagen, had been discovered in its whole
 +extent by Vespucci fourteen years before. The concession was actually
 +made on the condition that the coast had not been discovered before, and
 +Vespucci was then chief pilot. It is incredible that Vespucci and all his
 +companions should have combined to conceal their wonderful discoveries
 +without any conceivable reason, their silence being most injurious to
 +themselves. It is still more incredible that the King should have put
 +such a condition into the concession to Ponce de Leon, if it was true
 +that the coast in question had
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexxxix"​ name="​pagexxxix"></​a>​[xxxix]</​span>​
 +                               been discovered fourteen years before by
 +an expedition despatched by himself.
 +The evidence against Vespucci is cumulative and quite conclusive. His
 +first voyage is a fabrication. He cannot be acquitted of the intention
 +of appropriating for himself the glory of having first discovered the
 +mainland. The impartial and upright Las Casas, after carefully weighing
 +the evidence, found him guilty. This verdict has been, and will continue
 +to be, confirmed by posterity. He wished to glorify himself in his own
 +country, whither he intended to retire, and throughout Europe. But he
 +did not dare to publish his fiction in Spain, and, so far as we know,
 +it did not reach Spain in print until after his death. He wrote well,
 +and his stories about a new world excited the enthusiasm of those who
 +read them. His Latin editor suggested that his new world should be called
 +America, and the name was adopted by map-makers. It was euphonious and
 +convenient, and, in spite of the protests of Las Casas and Herrera, it
 +eventually became general, and Vespucci usurped the honours that rightly
 +belonged to Columbus. Vespucci may be acquitted of having contemplated
 +so great an injustice. It is possible that he never intended that his
 +letters should be published. He may only have desired to increase his
 +consequence among his own countrymen. But whatever his intention may
 +have been, he committed a fraud with a dishonest purpose, and it is no
 +extenuation that he did
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexl"​ name="​pagexl"></​a>​[xl]</​span>​
 +                        not contemplate the full extent of the injustice
 +it has caused.
 +The investigation of Vespucci'​s statements contained in the first and
 +second voyages destroys all confidence in his unsupported word, when we
 +proceed to examine his account of the voyages alleged to have been made
 +by him in Portuguese ships.
 +There is no mention either of Vespucci or of Giocondi, who is alleged
 +to have brought him the invitation from the King to come to Portugal,
 +either in the voluminous Portuguese archives, or in the contemporary
 +chronicle of Damian de Goes. This remarkable silence points to the
 +conclusion that if Vespucci was really in any Portuguese expedition he
 +can only have filled some very subordinate post; probably sailing as a
 +merchant or a volunteer.<​a href="#​note-52"​ name="​noteref-52"><​small>​ 52</​small></​a>​
 +Vespucci has given us two accounts of his alleged first voyage with
 +the Portuguese, which he calls his third voyage. The Medici letter
 +is entirely devoted to it, while it is also included in the Soderini
 +letter. The dates and figures seldom agree in the two letters, and
 +there is evidence throughout them of the random way in which he wrote,
 +and of his disregard for truth or accuracy. Sailing with three vessels,
 +on the 10th of March 1501 according to
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexli"​ name="​pagexli"></​a>​[xli]</​span>​
 +                                       one letter, and on the 15th
 +according to the other, they came to a place called Bezeguiche, or
 +Beseghir,<​a href="#​note-53"​ name="​noteref-53"><​small>​ 53</​small></​a>​ on the west coast of Africa, which Vespucci identifies
 +as Cape Verd, and places in 14° 30&​prime;​ N. in one letter, and in 13°
 +within the Tropic in the other.<a href="#​note-54"​ name="​noteref-54"><​small>​ 54</​small></​a>​ Thence they sailed across the ocean
 +for sixty-seven days, or sixty-three days, on a S.W. &​frac14;​ S. course for
 +700 leagues, reaching the coast on the 7th or 17th of August, in 5°
 +S. latitude. In the Soderini letter there is a story of Portuguese being
 +murdered and eaten; but in the Medici letter there is nothing but friendly
 +intercourse with the natives, with a long account of their manners and
 +customs, obviously as fictitious as those in the first voyage which were
 +commented upon by Las Casas. Among the plants he saw, Vespucci gives
 +the names of four: cannafistula,​ Brazil wood, cassia, and myrrh.
 +From the landfall they sailed eastward for (150) 300 leagues, to a point
 +of land which was named Cape St. Augustine, and then south and west as
 +far as 52° S. Vespucci alleges that the command of the fleet was given
 +to him, and that he continued a southerly course. In the Medici letter
 +he says that he went south until he was 17° 30&​prime;​ from the Antarctic
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexlii"​ name="​pagexlii"></​a>​[xlii]</​span>​
 + Pole, or in 73° 30&​prime;​ S., which is preposterous. In the Soderini letter
 +he reached only 52° S., got into a gale of wind, sighted some land with
 +a rocky coast, and ran along it for 20 leagues.<​a href="#​note-55"​ name="​noteref-55"><​small>​ 55</​small></​a>​ Thence the ships
 +shaped a homeward course, reached Sierra Leone on June 10th&​mdash;​where one
 +vessel was condemned as unseaworthy,​ and burnt&​mdash;​the Azores in the end
 +of July, and Lisbon on September 7th, 1502. Both letters contain some
 +absurd remarks about the stars in the southern hemisphere, and one has
 +a long explanation how two men, one in 39° N. and another in 50° S.,
 +would be standing at right angles to each other.
 +The second voyage of Vespucci from Lisbon; which he calls his fourth
 +voyage, was undertaken for the discovery of Malacca, which he believed
 +to be in 33° S. latitude, instead of 2° 14&​prime;​ N. latitude, its real
 +position. This is a pretty considerable error! The narrative is full of
 +spiteful and vindictive remarks about the commander of the expedition,
 +whose name is not given.<a href="#​note-56"​ name="​noteref-56"><​small>​ 56</​small></​a>​ One vessel was lost off an island which
 +appears to have been Fernando Noronha, and two others, with Vespucci,
 +reached the coast of Brazil and entered a harbour, which was
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexliii"​ name="​pagexliii"></​a>​[xliii]</​span>​
 + named Bahia
 +do todos os Santos. They then sailed along the coast for 260 leagues,
 +where they found another harbour in 18° S. Here they built a fort, and,
 +leaving a garrison, returned to Lisbon on June 18th, 1504.
 +The two Portuguese voyages may be authentic, though the absence of all
 +names, and the silence of the Lisbon archives touching Vespucci, make it
 +impossible to identify them. The careless and unreliable way in which
 +Vespucci tells his story renders it worse than useless to speculate
 +on any of the details, beyond the fact that the Portuguese commanders
 +appear to have explored a considerable part of the coast of Brazil. Any
 +theory based on the latitudes given by Vespucci would only mislead,
 +for, when the places to which they refer can be identified, they are
 +wrong, and when given in both the letters, they differ. The letter
 +describing the four voyages was not written for readers acquainted with
 +the history and progress of discovery, not for Spaniards or Portuguese,
 +but for the Medicis and Soderinis, the Waldseemüllers and Ringmanns,
 +to whom these tales were new, wonderful, and mysterious. Accuracy and
 +truth were of no consequence so long as they believed in Amerigo Vespucci
 +as the discoverer of the New World and its marvels.
 +The tales of Amerigo Vespucci have a place in the history of
 +geographical discovery, and require, although they do not deserve,
 +serious consideration;​ the more so as they have, in recent years, been
 +treated seriously by a learned and accomplished
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​pagexliv"​ name="​pagexliv"></​a>​[xliv]</​span>​
 +                                                writer such as Varnhagen,
 +who has been followed by one or two eminent and well-known men of letters.
 +It is, therefore, proper that translations of the letters should be
 +printed by the Hakluyt Society, and that their merits should be fully
 +In addition to the two letters of Vespucci, the present volume contains
 +the evidence taken in the Columbus lawsuit bearing on the subject, the
 +chapters in the history of Las Casas in which the veracity of Vespucci is
 +discussed, the narrative of the voyage of Hojeda from Navarrete, and some
 +other documents throwing light on the career of the Florentine adventurer.
 +<div class="​figure">​
 +<a name="​image-0001c"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_052.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_052.png"​ width="​135"​ height="​85"​
 +title="​(decorative footer)"​
 +alt="​(decorative footer)"​ /></​a>​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page1"​ name="​page1"></​a>​[1]</​span></​p>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +<div class="​figure">​
 +<a name="​image-0002"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_053a.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_053a.png"​ width="​500"​ height="​135"​
 +title="​(decorative header)"​
 +alt="​(decorative header)"​ /></​a>​
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_4_0003"​ id="​h2H_4_0003"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +    LETTER<​br /><​small>​OF</​small><​br /> AMERIGO VESPUCCI
 +<br />
 +<span class="​sc">​First Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci.</​span><​a href="#​note-57"​ name="​noteref-57"><​small>​ 57</​small></​a>​
 +<div class="​fig-cap">​
 +<a name="​image-0003"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_053b.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_053b.png"​ width="​150"​ height="​150"​
 +title="​(decorative capital M)"
 +alt=""​ /></​a>​
 +Magnificent Lord.<a href="#​note-58"​ name="​noteref-58"><​small>​ 58</​small></​a>​ I submit humble reverence to you and offer due
 +recommendations. It may be that your Magnificence will be astonished
 +at my temerity that I should dare so absurdly to write the present
 +long letter to your Magnificence,​ knowing that your Magnificence is
 +constantly occupied in the high councils and affairs touching the lofty
 +Republic. And I may be considered not only presumptuous but also idle
 +in writing things not convenient to your condition nor agreeable, and
 +written in a barbarous style. But as I have confidence in your virtues
 +and in the merit of my writing,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page2"​ name="​page2"></​a>​[2]</​span>​
 +                                which is touching things never before
 +written upon either by ancient or modern writers, as will be seen, I
 +may be excused by your Magnificence. The principal thing that moved me
 +to write to you was the request of the bearer, who is named Benvenuto
 +Benvenuti, our Florentine, who is very much the servant of your
 +Magnificence,​ as he tells me, and a great friend of mine. He, finding
 +himself here in this city of Lisbon, requested me to give an account
 +to your Magnificence of the things by me seen in different parts of the
 +world, during the four voyages that I have made to discover new lands; two
 +by order of the Catholic King Ferdinand, by the Great Gulf of the Ocean
 +Sea towards the west, the other two by order of the powerful King Manoel
 +of Portugal, towards the south. He assured me that you will be pleased,
 +and that in this I might hope to serve you. It was this that disposed me
 +to do it, being assured that your Magnificence would include me in the
 +number of your servants, remembering how, in the time of our youth, I was
 +your friend, and now your servant, going together to hear the principles
 +of grammar under the good life and doctrine of the venerable religious
 +friar of St. Mark, Friar Giorgio Antonio Vespucci, whose counsels and
 +doctrine, if it had pleased God that I had followed, I should have been
 +another man from what I am, as Petrarch says. <​i>​Quomodocunque sit</​i>,​ I am
 +not ashamed, because I have always taken delight in virtuous things. Yet
 +if these my frivolities are not acceptable to your virtue, I will reflect
 +on what Pliny said to Mæcenas, "​Formerly my witticisms used to entertain
 +you." It may be that, though your Magnificence is continually occupied
 +with public affairs, you may find an hour of leisure, during which you
 +can pass a little time in frivolous or amusing things, and so, as a
 +change from so many occupations,​ you may read this my letter. For you
 +may well turn for a brief space from constant care and assiduous thought
 +concerning public affairs.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page3"​ name="​page3"></​a>​[3]</​span></​p>​
 +Your Magnificence must know that the motive of my coming into this
 +kingdom of Spain was to engage in mercantile pursuits, and that I was
 +occupied in such business for nearly four years, during which I saw
 +and knew various changes of fortune. As these affairs of commerce are
 +uncertain, a man being at one time at the top of the well, and at another
 +fallen and subject to losses, and as the continual labour that a man is
 +exposed to who would succeed, became evident to me, as well as exposure
 +to dangers and failures, I decided upon leaving the mercantile career,
 +and upon entering on one that would be more stable and praiseworthy. I
 +was disposed to see some part of the world and its wonders.
 +Time and opportunity offered themselves very conveniently. The King Don
 +Fernando of Castille,<​a href="#​note-59"​ name="​noteref-59"><​small>​ 59</​small></​a>​ having ordered four ships to be dispatched for
 +the discovery of new lands towards the west, I was chosen by his Highness
 +to go in this fleet to help in the discovery. I left the port of Cadiz on
 +the 10th of May<a href="#​note-60"​ name="​noteref-60"><​small>​ 60</​small></​a>​ 1497, and we took our way for the Great Gulf of the
 +Ocean Sea, on which voyage I was engaged for eighteen months, discovering
 +a great extent of mainland, and an infinite number of islands, most of
 +them inhabited, of which no mention had been made by ancient writers, I
 +believe because they had not any clear information. If I remember rightly,
 +I have read somewhere that this Ocean Sea was without inhabitants. Our
 +poet Dante was of this opinion, in the 26th chapter of the <​i>​Inferno</​i>,​
 +where he treats of the death of Ulysses.<​a href="#​note-61"​ name="​noteref-61"><​small>​ 61</​small></​a>​ In this voyage I saw many
 +wonderful things, as your Magnificence will
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page4"​ name="​page4"></​a>​[4]</​span>​
 +                                            understand. As I said before,
 +we left the port of Cadiz in four ships, and began our navigation to the
 +Fortunate Islands, which are now called the Grand Canaria, situated in
 +the Ocean Sea, on the confines of the inhabited west, within the third
 +climate.<​a href="#​note-62"​ name="​noteref-62"><​small>​ 62</​small></​a>​ Over which place the Pole rises from the north, above the
 +horizon 27° and a half, and it is distant from this city of Lisbon 280
 +leagues,<​a href="#​note-63"​ name="​noteref-63"><​small>​ 63</​small></​a>​ between south and south-west. Here we staid for eight days,
 +providing ourselves with wood, water, and other necessaries. From thence,
 +having offered our prayers, we weighed, and spread our sails to the
 +wind, shaping our course to the west, with a point to south-west.<​a href="#​note-64"​ name="​noteref-64"><​small>​ 64</​small></​a>​
 +Our progress was such that at the end of thirty-seven days<a href="#​note-65"​ name="​noteref-65"><​small>​ 65</​small></​a>​ we reached
 +land which we judged to be the mainland, being distant from the island of
 +Canaria, more to the west, nearly 1,000 leagues,<​a href="#​note-66"​ name="​noteref-66"><​small>​ 66</​small></​a>​ outside that which
 +is inhabited in the Torrid Zone. For we found the North Pole was above
 +its horizon 16°; and more to the westward than the island of Canaria,
 +according to the observations with our instruments 70°.<a href="#​note-67"​ name="​noteref-67"><​small>​ 67</​small></​a>​
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page5"​ name="​page5"></​a>​[5]</​span></​p>​
 +We anchored with our ships at a distance of a league and a half from the
 +shore. We got out the boats, and, filled with armed men, we pulled them
 +to the shore. Before we arrived we had seen many men walking along the
 +beach, at which we were much pleased; and we found that they were naked,
 +and they showed fear of us, I believe because we were dressed and of
 +a different stature. They all fled to a hill, and, in spite of all the
 +signs of peace and friendship that we made, they would not come to have
 +intercourse with us. As night was coming on, and the ship was anchored
 +in a dangerous place, off an open unsheltered coast, we arranged to get
 +under weigh the next day, and to go in search of some port or bay where
 +we could make our ships secure. We sailed along the coast to the north,
 +always in sight of land, and the people went along the beach. After
 +two days of navigation we found a very secure place for the ships,
 +and we anchored at a distance of half a league from the land, where we
 +saw very many people. We went on shore in the boats on the same day,
 +and forty men in good order landed. The natives were still shy of us,
 +and we could not give them sufficient confidence to induce them to come
 +and speak with us. That day we worked so hard with this object by giving
 +them our things, such as bells, looking-glasses,​ and other trifles, that
 +some of them took courage and came to treat with us. Having established
 +a friendly understanding,​ as the night was approaching we took leave of
 +them, and returned on board. Next day, at dawn, we saw that there were
 +an immense number of people on the beach, and that they had their women
 +and children with
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page6"​ name="​page6"></​a>​[6]</​span>​
 +                  them. We went on shore, and found that they all came
 +laden with their food supplies, which are such as will be described in
 +their place. Before we arrived on shore, many of them swam out to receive
 +us at a cross-bow shot's distance; for they are great swimmers, and they
 +showed as much confidence as if we had been having intercourse with them
 +for a long time; and we were pleased at seeing their feelings of security.
 +What we knew of their life and customs was that they all go naked, as well
 +the men as the women, without covering anything, no otherwise than as they
 +come out of their mothers'​ wombs. They are of medium stature, and very
 +well proportioned. The colour of their skins inclines to red, like the
 +skin of a lion, and I believe that, if they were properly clothed, they
 +would be white like ourselves. They have no hair whatever on their bodies,
 +but they have very long black hair, especially the women, which beautifies
 +them. They have not very beautiful faces, because they have long eyelids,
 +which make them look like Tartars. They do not allow any hairs to grow on
 +their eyebrows, nor eyelashes, nor in any other part except on the head,
 +where it is rough and dishevelled. They are very agile in their persons,
 +both in walking and running, as well the men as the women; and think
 +nothing of running a league or two, as we often witnessed; and in this
 +they have a very great advantage over us Christians. They swim wonderfully
 +well, and the women better than the men; for we have found and seen them
 +many times two leagues at sea, without any help whatever in swimming.
 +Their arms are bows and arrows, well made, except that they have no iron,
 +nor any other kind of hard metal. Instead of iron they use teeth of
 +animals or of fish, or a bit of wood well burnt at the point. They are
 +sure shots, and where they aim they hit. In some places the women use
 +these bows. They have other weapons like lances, hardened
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page7"​ name="​page7"></​a>​[7]</​span>​
 +                                                          by fire, and
 +clubs with the knobs very well carved. They wage war among themselves with
 +people who do not speak their language, carrying it on with great cruelty,
 +giving no quarter, if not inflicting greater punishment. When they go to
 +war they take their women with them; not because they fight, but because
 +they carry the provisions in rear of the men. A woman carries a burden on
 +her back, which a man would not carry, for thirty or forty leagues, as we
 +have seen many times. They have no leader, nor do they march in any order,
 +no one being captain. The cause of their wars is not the desire of rule
 +nor to extend the limits of their dominions, but owing to some ancient
 +feud that has arisen among them in former times. When asked why they
 +made war, they have no other answer than that it is to avenge the death
 +of their ancestors and their fathers. They have neither king nor lord,
 +nor do they obey anyone, but live in freedom. Having moved themselves to
 +wage war, when the enemy have killed or captured any of them, the oldest
 +relation arises and goes preaching through the streets and calling upon
 +his countrymen to come with him to avenge the death of his relation,
 +and thus he moves them by compassion. They do not bring men to justice,
 +nor punish a criminal. Neither the mother nor the father chastise their
 +children, and it is wonderful that we never saw a quarrel among them. They
 +show themselves simple in their talk, and are very sharp and cunning
 +in securing their ends. They speak little, and in a low voice. They use
 +the same accents as ourselves, forming their words either on the palate,
 +the teeth, or the lips, only they have other words for things. Great is
 +the diversity of languages, for in a hundred leagues we found such change
 +in the language that the inhabitants could not understand each other.
 +Their mode of life is very barbarous, for they have no regular time for
 +their meals, but they eat at any time that
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page8"​ name="​page8"></​a>​[8]</​span>​
 +                                           they have the wish, as often
 +at night as in the day&​mdash;​indeed,​ they eat at all hours. They take their
 +food on the ground, without napkin or any other cloth, eating out of
 +earthen pots which they make, or out of half calabashes. They sleep in
 +certain very large nets made of cotton,<​a href="#​note-69"​ name="​noteref-69"><​small>​ 69</​small></​a>​ and suspended in the air;
 +and if this should seem a bad way of sleeping, I say that it is pleasant
 +to sleep in that manner, and that we slept better in that way than
 +in coverlets.<​a href="#​note-70"​ name="​noteref-70"><​small>​ 70</​small></​a>​ They are a people of cleanly habits as regards their
 +bodies, and are constantly washing themselves. When they empty the stomach
 +they do everything so as not to be seen, and in this they are clean and
 +decent; but in making water they are dirty and without shame, for while
 +talking with us they do such things without turning round, and without
 +any shame. They do not practise matrimony among them, each man taking as
 +many women as he likes, and when he is tired of a woman he repudiates her
 +without either injury to himself or shame to the woman, for in this matter
 +the woman has the same liberty as the man. They are not very jealous,
 +but lascivious beyond measure, the women much more so than the men. I do
 +not further refer to their contrivances for satisfying their inordinate
 +desires, so that I may not offend against modesty. They are very prolific
 +in bearing children, and in their pregnancy they are not excused any work
 +whatever. The parturition is so easy, and accompanied by so little pain,
 +that they are up and about the next day. They go to some river to wash,
 +and presently are quite well, appearing on the water like fish. If they
 +are angry with their husbands they easily cause abortion with certain
 +poisonous herbs or roots, and destroy the child. Many infants perish in
 +this way. They are gifted with very handsome and well-proportioned
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page9"​ name="​page9"></​a>​[9]</​span>​
 +                                                                   ​bodies,​
 +and no part or member is to be seen that is not well formed. Although
 +they go naked, yet that which should be concealed is kept between the
 +thighs so that it cannot be seen. Yet there no one cares, for the same
 +impression is made on them at seeing anything indecent as is made on
 +us at seeing a nose or mouth. Among them it is considered strange if
 +a woman has wrinkles on the bosom from frequent parturition,​ or on the
 +belly. All parts are invariably preserved after the parturition as they
 +were before. They showed an excessive desire for our company.
 +We did not find that these people had any laws; they cannot be called Moors
 +nor Jews, but worse than Gentiles. For we did not see that they offered any
 +sacrifices, nor have they any place of worship. I judge their lives to be
 +Epicurean. Their habitations are in common. Their dwellings, are like huts,
 +but strongly built of very large trees, and covered with palm leaves,
 +secure from tempests and winds. In some places they are of such length
 +and width that we found 600 souls in one single house. We found villages
 +of only thirteen houses where there were 4,000 inhabitants. They build
 +the villages every eight or ten years, and when asked why they did this,
 +they replied that it was because the soil was corrupted and infected, and
 +caused diseases in their bodies, so they chose a new site. Their wealth
 +consists of the feathers of birds of many colours, or "​paternosters"​ made
 +of the fins of fishes, or of white or green stones, which they wear on
 +their necks, lips, and ears; and of many other things which have no value
 +for us. They have no commerce, and neither buy nor sell. In conclusion,
 +they live, and are content with what nature has given them.
 +They have none of the riches which are looked upon as such in our Europe
 +and in other parts, such as gold, pearls, or precious stones: and even
 +if they have them in their
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page10"​ name="​page10"></​a>​[10]</​span>​
 +                           ​country,​ they do not work to get them. They
 +are liberal in their giving, for it is wonderful if they refuse anything,
 +and also liberal in asking, as soon as they make friends. Their greatest
 +sign of friendship is to give their wives or daughters, and a father
 +and mother considered themselves highly honoured when they brought us a
 +daughter, especially if she was a virgin, that we should sleep with her,
 +and in doing this they use terms of warm friendship.
 +When they die they use several kinds of burial. Some bury their dead
 +with water and food, thinking they will want it. They have no ceremonies
 +of lights, nor of weeping. In some other places they practise a most
 +barbarous and inhuman kind of interment. This is that when a sick or
 +infirm person is almost in the throes of death, his relations carry him
 +into a great wood, and fasten one of those nets in which they sleep to
 +two trees. They put their dying relation into it, and dance round him
 +the whole of one day. When night comes on they put water and food enough
 +for four or six days at his head, and then leave him alone, returning
 +to their village. If the sick man can help himself, and eats and lives
 +so as to return to the village, they receive him with ceremony, but few
 +are those who escape. Most of them die, and that is their sepulchre. They
 +have many other customs, which are omitted to avoid prolixity. In their
 +illnesses they use various kinds of medicines, so different from ours
 +that we marvelled how anyone escaped. I often saw a patient ill with
 +fever, when the disease was at its height; bathed with quantities of
 +cold water from head to foot. Then they made a great fire all round,
 +making him turn backwards and forwards for two hours until he was tired,
 +and he was then left to sleep. Many were cured. They also attend to the
 +diet, keep the patient without food, and draw blood, not from the arm,
 +but from the thighs and loins, and from the calves of the legs. They
 +also provoke vomiting by
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page11"​ name="​page11"></​a>​[11]</​span>​
 +                         ​putting one of their herbs into the mouth, and
 +they use many other remedies which it would take long to recount. They
 +abound much in phlegm and in blood, on account of their food, which
 +consists of roots, fruit, and fish. They have no sowing of grain, nor of
 +any kind of corn. But for their common use they eat the root of a tree,
 +from which they make very good flour, and they call it <​i>​Iuca</​i>​.<​a href="#​note-71"​ name="​noteref-71"><​small>​ 71</​small></​a>​
 +Others call it <​i>​Cazabi</​i><​a href="#​note-72"​ name="​noteref-72"><​small>​ 72</​small></​a>​ and <​i>​Ignami</​i>​.<​a href="#​note-73"​ name="​noteref-73"><​small>​ 73</​small></​a>​ They eat little flesh,
 +unless it be human flesh, and your Magnificence must know that they
 +are so inhuman as to transgress regarding this most bestial custom. For
 +they eat all their enemies that they kill or take, as well females as
 +males, with so much barbarity that it is a brutal thing to mention,
 +how much more to see it, as has happened to me an infinite number of
 +times. They were astonished at us when we told them that we did not eat
 +our enemies. Your Magnificence may believe for certain that they have
 +many other barbarous customs, for in these four voyages I have seen so
 +many things different from our customs that I have written a book,<a href="#​note-74"​ name="​noteref-74"><​small>​ 74</​small></​a>​
 +to be called <span class="​sc">​The Four Voyages</​span>,​ in which I have related the greater part
 +of the things I saw, very clearly and to the best of my abilities. I have
 +not yet published it, because my own affairs are in such a bad state
 +that I have no taste for what I have written, yet I am much inclined
 +to publish it. In this work will be seen all the events in detail, I
 +therefore do not enlarge upon them here. For in the course of the said
 +work we shall see many other special details; so this will suffice for
 +what is general. In this beginning I did not see anything of much value
 +in the land except some indications of gold.
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page12"​ name="​page12"></​a>​[12]</​span>​
 +                                             I believe that this was
 +because we did not know the language, and so we could not benefit by the
 +resources of the land.
 +We resolved to depart and to proceed onwards, coasting along the land; in
 +which voyage we made many tacks, and had intercourse with many tribes. At
 +the end of certain days we came to a port where we were in the greatest
 +danger, and it pleased the Lord to save us. It was in this way. We went
 +on shore in a port where we found a village built over a lake, like
 +Venice. There were about forty-four large houses founded on very thick
 +piles, and each had a drawbridge leading to the door. From one house
 +there was a way to all the rest by drawbridges which led from house to
 +house. The people of this little city showed signs that they were afraid
 +of us, and suddenly they rose all at once. While looking at this wonder,
 +we saw about twenty-two canoes coming over the sea, which are the sort of
 +boats they use, hollowed out of a single tree. They came to our ships,
 +as if to gaze with wonder at us and our clothes, but they kept at a
 +distance. Things being so, we made signs to them to come to us, giving
 +them assurances of friendship. Seeing that they did not come we went to
 +them, but they did not wait for us. They went on shore, and made signs
 +to us that we should wait, and that they would soon return. They went
 +straight to a hill, and were not long before they came back, leading with
 +them sixteen of their young girls. They got into the canoes and came to
 +the ships, and in each ship they put four, and we were as much surprised
 +at such a proceeding as your Magnificence will be. They were amongst our
 +ships with the canoes, speaking with us. We looked upon this as a sign
 +of friendship. Presently a number of people came swimming over the sea,
 +and approached us without our feeling any suspicion whatever, having
 +come from the houses. Then certain old women appeared at the doors of
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page13"​ name="​page13"></​a>​[13]</​span>​
 + the houses, uttering great cries and tearing their hair in sign
 +of grief. This made us suspect something, and each man seized his
 +arms. Suddenly the young girls who were on board jumped into the sea,
 +and those in the canoes came nearer, and began to shoot with their bows
 +and arrows. Those who were swimming had each brought a lance, concealed
 +under the water as much as possible. As soon as we understood the
 +treachery we not only defended ourselves from them, but also attacked
 +them vigorously and sank many of their canoes with our ships. Thus we
 +routed and slaughtered them, and all took to swimming, abandoning their
 +canoes. Having thus suffered enough damage, they swam to the land. Nearly
 +fifteen or twenty of them were killed, and many were wounded. Of our
 +men five were wounded, and all escaped, thanks to God. We captured two
 +girls and two men. We went to their houses and entered them, but only
 +found two old women and one sick man. We took many of their things,
 +but they were of little value. We would not burn their houses, because
 +we felt compunctions of conscience. We returned to our ships with five
 +prisoners, and put irons on the feet of each, except the girls. On the
 +following night the two girls and one of the men escaped with great
 +cunning. Next day we decided upon continuing our course onwards.
 +We sailed constantly along the coast, and came to another tribe, distant
 +about 80 leagues from the one we had left, and very different both as
 +regards language and customs. We came to an anchor, and went on shore in
 +the boats, when we saw that a great number of people were on the beach,
 +upwards of 4,000 souls. They did not wait for our landing, but took
 +to flight, abandoning their things. We jumped on shore, and went along
 +a road which led to the woods. At the distance of a cross-bow shot we
 +found their huts, where they had made very large fires, and two were
 +there cooking their food, and roasting
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page14"​ name="​page14"></​a>​[14]</​span>​
 +                                       ​animals and fish of many sorts.
 +Here we saw that they were roasting a certain animal like a serpent,
 +except that it had no wings, and its appearance was so horrid that many
 +of us wondered at its fierceness. We walked to their houses or sheds,
 +and they had many of these serpents alive, fastened by their feet and
 +with a cord round the snout, so that they could not open their mouths, as
 +is done to pointers,<​a href="#​note-75"​ name="​noteref-75"><​small>​ 75</​small></​a>​ to prevent them from biting. Their aspect was so
 +fierce that none of us dared to go near one, thinking they were poisonous.
 +They are the size of a young goat, and a fathom and a half long. They
 +have long and thick feet, armed with large claws, the skin hard and of
 +various colours. The mouth and face are like those of a serpent. They
 +have a crest like a saw, which extends from the nose to the end of the
 +tail. We concluded that they were serpents and poisonous, yet they eat
 +them.<a href="#​note-76"​ name="​noteref-76"><​small>​ 76</​small></​a>​ We found that the natives made bread of small fishes, which
 +they take from the sea, first boiling them, then pounding them into a
 +paste, and roasting them in the cinders, and so they are eaten. We tried
 +them, and found them good. They have so many other kinds of food, and a
 +greater number of fruits and roots, that it would take long to describe
 +them in detail. Seeing that the people did not come back, we determined
 +not to touch any of their things, to give them more confidence. We also
 +left many of our own things in their huts, that they might see them,
 +and at night we returned to the ships. Next day, at dawn, we saw an
 +immense crowd of people on the beach, so we went on shore. When they
 +again showed fear we reassured them, and induced them to treat with us,
 +giving them everything they asked for. When they became friendly
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page15"​ name="​page15"></​a>​[15]</​span>​
 + they
 +told us that those were their habitations,​ and that they were come to
 +fish. They asked us to come to their villages that they might receive
 +us as friends. They showed such friendship because of the two men we
 +had prisoners, who were their enemies. Seeing their importunity,​ and
 +after a consultation,​ we decided that twenty-eight of our Christians,
 +in good order, should go with them, with the firm intention to die if
 +it should be necessary. When we had been there nearly three days we
 +went with them into the interior. At a distance of three leagues from
 +the beach we came to a village of few houses and many inhabitants,​
 +there not being more than nine habitations. Here we were received with
 +so many barbarous ceremonies that the pen will not suffice to write
 +them down. There were songs, dances, tears mingled with rejoicings,
 +and plenty of food. We remained here for the night. Here they offered
 +their wives to us, and we were unable to defend ourselves from them. We
 +remained all night and half the next day. The multitude of people who came
 +to see us was such that they could not be counted. The older men prayed
 +that we would come with them to another village further in the interior,
 +making signs that they would show us the greatest honour. So we agreed
 +to go, and it cannot be expressed what great honour they showed us. We
 +came to many villages, and were nine days on the journey, so that our
 +Christians who remained on board became anxious about us. Being nearly
 +eighteen leagues inland in a direct line, we determined to return to the
 +ships. On the return journey the crowd was so great that came with us
 +to the beach, both of women and men, that it was wonderful. If any of
 +our people got tired on the way, they carried them in their nets very
 +comfortably. In crossing the rivers, which are numerous and very large,
 +they took us across by their contrivances so safely that there was no
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page16"​ name="​page16"></​a>​[16]</​span>​
 + ​danger whatever. Many of them came laden with the things they had given
 +to us, which were their sleeping-nets,​ most of them richly worked,
 +numerous parrots of various colours, many bows and arrows; while others
 +carried burdens consisting of their provisions and animals. What greater
 +wonder can I tell you than that they thought themselves fortunate when,
 +in passing a river, they could carry us on their backs?
 +Having reached the shore, we went on board the ships. They made such a
 +crowd to enter our ships in order to see them, that we were astonished.
 +We took as many as we could in the boats, and took them to the ships,
 +and so many came swimming that we were inclined to stop such a crowd
 +from being on board, more than a thousand souls, all naked and without
 +arms. They wondered at our arrangements and contrivances,​ and at the
 +size of the ships. There happened a laughable thing, which was that we
 +had occasion to fire off some of our artillery, and when the report
 +was heard, the greater part of the natives on board jumped overboard
 +from fear, and began to swim, like the frogs on the banks, which, when
 +they are frightened, jump into the swamp. Such was the conduct of these
 +people. Those who remained on board were so frightened that we were
 +sorry we had done it, but we reassured them by saying that we frightened
 +our enemies with those arms. Having amused themselves all day on board,
 +we told them that they must go, because we wished to depart that night;
 +and so they went away with much show of love and friendship, returning to
 +the shore. Among this tribe, and in their land, I knew and saw so much
 +of their customs and mode of life that I do not care to enlarge upon
 +them here; for your Magnificence must know that in each of my voyages
 +I have noted down the most remarkable things, and all is reduced into
 +a volume in the geographical style, entitled the <span class="​sc">​Four Voyages</​span>,​ in which
 +work all things are
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page17"​ name="​page17"></​a>​[17]</​span>​
 +                    described in detail, but I have not yet sent out a
 +copy, because it is necessary for me to revise it.
 +This land is very populous and full of people, with numerous rivers,
 +but few animals. They are similar to ours, except the lions, ounces,
 +stags, pigs, goats, and deer; and these still have some differences of
 +form. They have neither horses nor mules, asses nor dogs, nor any kind of
 +sheep, nor cattle. But they have many other animals all wild, and none
 +of them serve for any domestic use, so that they cannot be counted.
 +What shall we say of the birds, which are so many, and of so many kinds
 +and colours of plumage that it is wonderful to see them? The land is
 +very pleasant and fruitful, full of very large woods and forests, and
 +it is always green, for the trees never shed their leaves. The fruits
 +are so numerous that they cannot be enumerated, and all different from
 +ours. This land is within the Torrid Zone, <​i>​under the parallel which the
 +Tropic of Cancer describes</​i>,​ where <​i>​the Pole is 23° above the horizon</​i>,​
 +on the verge of the second climate. Many people came to see us, and were
 +astonished at our appearance and the whiteness of our skins. They asked
 +whence we came, and we gave them to understand that we came from heaven,
 +and that we were travelling to see the world, and they believed it. In
 +this land we put up a font of baptism, and an infinite number of people
 +were baptised, and they called us, in their language, <span class="​sc">​Carabi</​span>,​ which is
 +as much as to say, "men of great wisdom."​
 +We departed from this port. The province is called <span class="​sc">​Parias</​span>,<​a href="#​note-77"​ name="​noteref-77"><​small>​ 77</​small></​a>​ and we
 +navigated along the coast, <​i>​always in sight of land, until we had run
 +along it a distance of 870 leagues, always towards the</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​North-West</​span>,<​a href="#​note-78"​ name="​noteref-78"><​small>​ 78</​small></​a>​
 +making many tacks and treating with many tribes. In many places we
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page18"​ name="​page18"></​a>​[18]</​span>​
 + ​discovered gold, though not in any great quantity, but we did much in
 +discovering the land, and in ascertaining that there was gold. We had
 +now been thirteen months on the voyage,<​a href="#​note-79"​ name="​noteref-79"><​small>​ 79</​small></​a>​ and the ships and gear were
 +much worn, and the men tired. We resolved, after consultation,​ to beach
 +the ships and heave them down, as they were making much water, and to
 +caulk them afresh, before shaping a course for Spain. When we made this
 +decision we were near <​i>​the finest harbour in the world</​i>,​ which we entered
 +with our ships. Here we found a great many people, who received us in
 +a very friendly manner. On shore we made a bastion with our boats, and
 +with casks and our guns, at which we all rejoiced. Here we lightened<​a href="#​note-80"​ name="​noteref-80"><​small>​ 80</​small></​a>​
 +and cleared our ships, and hauled them up, making all the repairs that
 +were necessary, the people of the country giving us all manner of help,
 +and regularly supplying us with provisions. For in that port we had
 +little relish for our own, which we made fun of, for our provisions for
 +the voyage were running short, and were bad.
 +We remained here thirty-seven days, and often went to their village,
 +where they received us with great honour. When we wanted to resume our
 +voyage, they made a complaint how, at certain times, a very cruel and
 +hostile tribe came by way of the sea to their land, murdered many of
 +them, subdued them, and took some prisoners, carrying them off to their
 +own houses and land. They added that they were scarcely able to defend
 +themselves, making signs that their enemies were people of an island at
 +a distance of about 100 leagues out at sea. They said this so earnestly
 +that we believed them; and we promised to
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page19"​ name="​page19"></​a>​[19]</​span>​
 +                                          avenge their injuries, which
 +gave them much pleasure. Many of them offered to go with us, but we
 +did not wish to take them. We agreed that seven should accompany us,
 +on condition that they went in their own canoe. For we did not want to
 +be obliged to take them back to their land; and they were content. So
 +we took leave of those people, leaving many friends among them.
 +Our ships having been repaired, we navigated for seven days across the
 +sea, with the <​i>​wind</​i><​a href="#​note-81"​ name="​noteref-81"><​small>​ 81</​small></​a>​ between north-east and east, and at the end
 +of the seven days we came upon the islands, which were numerous, some
 +inhabited and others deserted. We anchored off one of them, where we saw
 +many people, who called it <​i>​Iti</​i>​.<​a href="#​note-82"​ name="​noteref-82"><​small>​ 82</​small></​a>​ Having manned our boats with good
 +men, and placed three rounds of the bombard in each, we pulled to the
 +shore, where we found 400 men and many women, all naked. They were well
 +made, and seemed good fighting men, for they were armed with bows and
 +arrows, and lances. The greater part of them also had square shields,
 +and they carried them so that they should not impede their using the
 +bow. As we approached the shore in the boats, at the distance of a
 +bowshot, they all rushed into the water to shoot their arrows, and to
 +defend themselves from us they returned to the land. They all had their
 +bodies painted with different colours, and were adorned with feathers. The
 +interpreters told us that when they showed themselves plumed and painted,
 +it is a sign that they intend to fight. They so persevered in defending
 +the landing that we were obliged to use our
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page20"​ name="​page20"></​a>​[20]</​span>​
 +                                            artillery. When they heard
 +the report, and saw some of their own people fall dead, they all retreated
 +inland. After holding a consultation,​ we resolved to land forty of our
 +men, and await their attack. The men landed with their arms, and the
 +natives came against us, and fought us for nearly an hour,<a href="#​note-83"​ name="​noteref-83"><​small>​ 83</​small></​a>​ gaining
 +little advantage, except that our cross-bow men and gunners killed
 +some of the natives, while they wounded some of our people. They would
 +not wait for the thrust of our spears or swords, but we pushed on with
 +such vigour at last that we came within sword-thrust,​ and as they could
 +not withstand our arms, they fled to the hills and woods, leaving us
 +victorious on the field, with many of their dead and wounded. We did not
 +continue the pursuit that day, because we were very tired. In returning
 +to the ships, the seven men who came with us showed such delight that
 +they could not contain themselves.
 +Next day we saw a great number of the people on shore, still with signs
 +of war, sounding horns and various other instruments used by them for
 +defiance, and all plumed and painted, so that it was a very strange thing
 +to behold them. All the ships, therefore, consulted together, and it
 +was concluded that these people desired hostility with us. It was then
 +decided that we should do all in our power to make friends with them,
 +and if they rejected our friendship we should treat them as enemies,
 +and that we should make slaves of as many as we could take. Being armed
 +as well as our means admitted, we returned to the shore. They did not
 +oppose our landing, I believe from fear of the guns. Forty of our men
 +landed in four detachments,​ each with a captain, and attacked them. After
 +a long battle, many of them being killed, the rest were put to flight.
 +We followed in pursuit until we came to a
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page21"​ name="​page21"></​a>​[21]</​span>​
 +                                           ​village,​ having taken nearly
 +250 prisoners.<​a href="#​note-84"​ name="​noteref-84"><​small>​ 84</​small></​a>​ We burnt the village and returned to the ships with
 +these 250 prisoners, leaving many killed and wounded. On our side
 +no more than <​i>​one was killed, and twenty-two were wounded</​i>,​ who all
 +recovered. God be thanked! We prepared to depart, and the seven men,
 +five of whom were wounded, took a canoe belonging to the island, and
 +with seven prisoners that we gave them, four women and three men, they
 +returned to their land with much joy, astonished at our power. We made
 +sail for Spain with 222 prisoners,<​a href="#​note-85"​ name="​noteref-85"><​small>​ 85</​small></​a>​ our slaves, and arrived in the
 +port of Cadiz on the 15th of October 1498, where we were well received,
 +and where we sold our slaves. This is what befell me in this my first
 +voyage, that was most worthy of note.
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<hr />
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_4_0004"​ id="​h2H_4_0004"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +    <span class="​sc">​Second Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci.</​span>​
 +As regards the second voyage, what I saw in it most worthy of
 +mention is as follows: We left the port of Cadiz, with three ships,<a href="#​note-86"​ name="​noteref-86"><​small>​ 86</​small></​a>​
 +on the 16th of May 1499, and shaped our course direct for the Cape
 +Verde islands, passing in sight of the island of Grand Canary; and
 +we navigated until we reached an island which is called the island
 +of <span class="​sc">​Fuoco</​span>​. Here we got in our supplies of wood and water, and thence shaped
 +our course to the south-west. In forty-four days we came in sight of a
 +new land, and we judged it to be the mainland, continuous
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page22"​ name="​page22"></​a>​[22]</​span>​
 +                                                          with that of
 +which mention has already been made. This land is within the Torrid Zone,
 +and beyond the equinoctial line on the south side, over which the Pole
 +rises from the meridian 5°, beyond every climate. It is distant from
 +the said islands by the S.W. wind<a href="#​note-87"​ name="​noteref-87"><​small>​ 87</​small></​a>​ 500 leagues. We found the day
 +and night to be equal, because we arrived on the 27th of June, when the
 +sun is near the tropic of Cancer. We found this land to be all drowned,
 +and full of very great rivers. At first we did not see any people. We
 +anchored our ships and got our boats out, going with them to the land,
 +which, as I have said, we found to be full of very large rivers, and
 +drowned by these great rivers. There we tried in many directions to see
 +if we could enter; and owing to the great waters and rivers, in spite
 +of so much labour, we could not find a place that was not inundated.
 +We saw, along the rivers, many signs of the country being inhabited; but
 +having ascertained that we could not enter from this part, we determined
 +to return to the ships, and to try another part. We weighed our anchors,
 +and navigated between the east south-east, coasting along the land,
 +which trended southwards, and many times we made forty leagues, but
 +all was time lost. We found on this coast that the current of the sea
 +had such force that it prevented us from navigating, for it ran from
 +south to north. The inconvenience was so great for our navigation that,
 +after a consultation,​ we decided upon altering the course to north,
 +and we made good such a distance along the land, that we reached a most
 +excellent port, formed by a large island, which was at the entrance.<​a href="#​note-88"​ name="​noteref-88"><​small>​ 88</​small></​a>​
 +Within, a very large haven was formed.
 +In sailing along the island to enter it we saw many people,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page23"​ name="​page23"></​a>​[23]</​span>​
 +                                       and we steered our ships so as to
 +bring them up where the people were seen, which was nearly four leagues
 +more towards the sea. Sailing in this way we had seen a canoe, which was
 +coming from seaward, with many people on board. We determined to overhaul
 +her, and we went round with our ships in her direction, so that we might
 +not lose her. Sailing towards the canoe with a fresh breeze, we saw that
 +they had stopped with their oars tossed&​mdash;​I believe, with wonder at the
 +sight of our ships. But when they saw that we were gaining upon them,
 +they put down their oars, and began to row towards the land. As our
 +company came in a fast-sailing caravel of forty-five tons, we got to
 +windward of the canoe, and when it seemed time to bear down upon her,
 +the sheets were eased off so as to come near her; and as the caravel
 +seemed to be coming down upon her, and those on board did not wish to be
 +caught, they pulled away to leeward, and, seeing their advantage, they
 +gave way with their oars to escape. As we had our boats at the stern
 +well manned, we thought we should catch the canoe. The boats chased
 +for more than two hours, and at last the caravel made another tack,
 +but could not fetch the canoe. As the people in the canoe saw they were
 +closely pressed by the caravel and the boats, they all jumped into the
 +sea, their number being about seventy men; the distance from the shore
 +being nearly two leagues. Following them in the boats, during the whole
 +day, we were unable to capture more than two, all the rest escaping on
 +shore. Only four boys remained in the canoe, who were not of their tribe,
 +but prisoners from some other land. They had been castrated, and were
 +all without the virile member, and with the scars fresh, at which we
 +wondered much. Having taken them on board, they told us by signs that
 +they had been castrated to be eaten. We then knew that the people in
 +the canoe belonged to a tribe called <​i>​Cambali</​i>,​ very fierce men
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page24"​ name="​page24"></​a>​[24]</​span>​
 + who eat
 +human flesh. We came with the ship, towing the canoe astern, approaching
 +the land, and anchored at a distance of half a league. We saw a great
 +number of people on the beach, so we went on shore with the boats,
 +taking with us the two men we had captured. When we came near all
 +the people fled into the wood. So we released one of our prisoners,
 +giving him many signs that we wanted to be their friends. He did what
 +we wanted very well, and brought back all the people with him, numbering
 +about 400 men and many women, and they came unarmed to the boats. A good
 +understanding was established with them; we released the other prisoner,
 +sent to the ships for their canoe, and restored it to them. This canoe
 +was twenty-six <​i>​paces</​i>​ long, and two <​i>​braccia</​i><​a href="#​note-89"​ name="​noteref-89"><​small>​ 89</​small></​a>​ in width, all dug
 +out of a single tree, and very well worked. When they had hauled it up
 +and put it in a secure place, they all fled, and would not have anything
 +more to do with us; which seemed a barbarous act, and we judged them to
 +be a faithless and ill-conditioned people. We saw a little gold, which
 +they wear in their ears.
 +We departed and entered the bay, where we found so many people that
 +it was wonderful. We made friends with them, and many of us went with
 +them to their villages in great security. In this place we collected
 +150 pearls, which they gave us for a small bell, and a little gold was
 +given to us for nothing. In this land we found that they drank wine made
 +from their fruits and seeds, like beer, both white and red. The best was
 +made from plums,<a href="#​note-90"​ name="​noteref-90"><​small>​ 90</​small></​a>​ and it was very good. We ate a great many of them,
 +as they were in season. It is a very good fruit, pleasant to the taste,
 +and wholesome for the body. The land abounds in their articles of food,
 +and the people are of good manners, and the most peaceful we have yet met
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page25"​ name="​page25"></​a>​[25]</​span>​
 + with. We were seventeen days in this port, enjoying it very much, and
 +every day new people from the interior came to see us, wondering at our
 +faces and the whiteness of our skins, at our clothes and arms, and at the
 +shape and size of our ships. From these people we had tidings that there
 +was another tribe to the westward who were their enemies, and who had
 +an immense quantity of pearls. Those which they possessed had been taken
 +in their wars. They told us how they were fished, and in what manner the
 +pearls were born, and we found their information to be correct, as your
 +Magnificence will hear.
 +We left this port and sailed along the coast, always seeing people on
 +the beach, and at the end of many days we came to in a port, by reason of
 +the necessity for repairing one of our ships, which made much water. Here
 +we found many people, but were unable, either by force or persuasion, to
 +establish any intercourse with them. When we went on shore they opposed
 +the landing fiercely, and when they could do no more they fled into the
 +woods and did not wait for us. Seeing that they were such barbarians we
 +departed thence, and, sailing onwards, we came in sight of an island
 +which was fifteen leagues from the land. We decided upon going to see
 +whether it was inhabited. We found on it the most bestial and the most
 +brutal race that has ever been seen, and they were of this kind. They
 +were very brutish in appearance and gesture, and they had their mouths
 +full of the leaves of a green herb, which they continually chewed like
 +beasts, so that they could hardly speak; and each had round his neck
 +two dry gourds, one full of that herb which they had in their mouths,
 +and the other of white flour that appeared to be powdered lime. From
 +time to time they put in the powder with a spindle which they kept wet
 +in the mouth. Then they put stuff into their mouths from both, powdering
 +the herb already in use. They did this with much elaboration;​ and the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page26"​ name="​page26"></​a>​[26]</​span>​
 + thing seemed wonderful, for we could not understand the secret, or with
 +what object they did it.<a href="#​note-91"​ name="​noteref-91"><​small>​ 91</​small></​a>​
 +These people, when they saw us, came to us with much familiarity,​ as
 +if we had formed friendship with them. Walking with them on the beach
 +and talking, being desirous of drinking fresh water, they made signs
 +that they had none, and offered their herb and powder; from which we
 +concluded that the island was ill-provided with water, and that they
 +kept this herb in their mouths to keep off thirst. We walked over the
 +island for a day and a half, without finding a spring of water, and
 +we saw that the water they drank was what had fallen during the night
 +on certain leaves which looked like ass's ears, and held the water,
 +and of this they drank. It was excellent water; and these leaves are
 +not found in many places. They had no kind of meat,<a href="#​note-92"​ name="​noteref-92"><​small>​ 92</​small></​a>​ and no roots,
 +as on the mainland. They were sustained by fish caught in the sea,
 +of which they had great abundance, and they were very good fishermen.
 +They gave us many turtles, and many large and excellent fish. Their women
 +did not have the herb in their mouths like the men, but they all carried
 +a gourd with water, from which they drank. They have no villages nor
 +houses, but merely live under bowers of leaves, which shade them from
 +the sun, though not from the rain. But I believe that it seldom rains
 +on that island. When they are fishing out at sea they all have a very
 +large leaf, and of such width that it forms a shade. As the sun rises,
 +so they raise the leaf, and thus they protect themselves from the sun.
 +The island contains many animals of various sorts, and much water in
 +swamps, and seeing that it offered no profit
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page27"​ name="​page27"></​a>​[27]</​span>​
 +                                             ​whatever,​ we departed and
 +went to another island. We found that this other island was inhabited by
 +very tall people. We landed to see whether there was any fresh water,
 +and not thinking it was inhabited, as we had not seen anyone, we came
 +upon very large foot-marks in the sand, as we were walking along the
 +beach. We judged that if the other measurements were in proportion to
 +those of their feet, they must be very tall. Going in search, we came
 +into a road which led inland. There were nine of us. Judging that there
 +could not be many inhabitants,​ as the island was small, we walked over
 +it to see what sort of people they were. When we had gone<a href="#​note-93"​ name="​noteref-93"><​small>​ 93</​small></​a>​ about a
 +league we saw five huts, which appeared to be uninhabited,​ in a valley,
 +and we went to them. But we only found five women, two old, and three
 +children of such lofty stature that, for the wonder of the thing, we
 +wanted to keep them. When they saw us they were so frightened that they
 +had not the power to run away. The two old women began to invite us with
 +words, and to set before us many things, and took us into a hut. They
 +were taller than a large man who may well be tall, such as was Francesco
 +degli Albizi, but better proportioned. Our intention was to take the young
 +girls by force, and to bring them to Castille as a wonderful thing. While
 +we were forming this design there entered by the door of the hut as many
 +as thirty-six men, much bigger than the women, and so well made that
 +it was a rare thing to behold them. They, in like manner, put us into
 +such a state of perturbation that we rather wished we were on board,
 +than having dealings with such people. They carried very large bows and
 +arrows, and great clubs with knobs. They talked among themselves in a
 +tone as if they wished to destroy us. Seeing ourselves in such
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page28"​ name="​page28"></​a>​[28]</​span>​
 + ​danger,​
 +we made various suggestions one to another. Some proposed that we should
 +attack them in the hut, and others said that it would be better to do so
 +outside, while others advised that we should not take any action until
 +we saw what the natives were going to do. We at last agreed to go out of
 +the hut, and walk away in the direction of the ships as if nothing had
 +happened, and this we did. Having taken our route to return to the ships,
 +they also came along behind us at a distance of about a stone'​s-throw,​
 +talking among themselves. I believe they had not less fear of us than we
 +of them; for sometimes we stopped to rest, and they did so also without
 +coming nearer. At last we came to the beach, where the boats where
 +waiting for us. We got in, and, when we were some way from the shore,
 +the natives rushed down and shot many arrows; but we then had little
 +fear of them. We replied with two bombard-shots,​ more to frighten them
 +than to do them harm. They all fled into the woods, and so we took leave
 +of them, thankful to escape after a dangerous adventure. They all went
 +naked like the others. We called this island <​i>​the Island of the Giants</​i>,​
 +by reason of their stature.<​a href="#​note-94"​ name="​noteref-94"><​small>​ 94</​small></​a>​
 +We proceeded onwards along the coast, and there happened to be combats
 +with the natives many times, because they did not wish us to take
 +anything from the land. At length we became desirous of returning to
 +Castille, having been on the sea for nearly a year<a href="#​note-95"​ name="​noteref-95"><​small>​ 95</​small></​a>​ and the provisions
 +being nearly exhausted, the little that remained being damaged by the
 +For from the time that we left the islands of Cape Verde until now, we
 +had been continually navigating within the Torrid Zone, and twice we
 +had crossed the equinoctial line; for, as I said before, we went 5°
 +beyond it to the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page29"​ name="​page29"></​a>​[29]</​span>​
 +                 ​south,​ and now we were in 15°<a href="#​note-96"​ name="​noteref-96"><​small>​ 96</​small></​a>​ to the north. Being
 +in this state of mind, it pleased the Holy Spirit to give us some rest
 +from our great hardships; for as we were searching for a port in which
 +to repair our ships, we came upon a people who received us with much
 +friendship. We found that they had a very great quantity of oriental
 +pearls, and exceedingly good ones. We stayed with them forty-seven days,
 +and obtained from them 119 marcs of pearls for very little merchandise
 +in exchange. I believe the pearls did not cost us the value of forty
 +ducats. What we gave them was nothing but bells, and looking-glasses,​ and
 +beads,<a href="#​note-97"​ name="​noteref-97"><​small>​ 97</​small></​a>​ and ten bells, and tin foil. For one bell a native gave all
 +the pearls he had. Here we learnt how they fished for them, and where,
 +and they gave us many shells in which they are born. We bartered for a
 +shell in which were born 130 pearls, and in others less. This one of 130
 +the Queen took, and others I put aside that they might not be seen. Your
 +Magnificence must know that if the pearls are not mature, and are not
 +detached, they soon perish, and of this I have had experience. When they
 +are mature, they are detached in the shell, and are placed among the
 +flesh. These are good. When they were bad the greater part were cracked
 +and badly bored. Nevertheless they are worth a good deal of money when
 +sold in the market.
 +At the end of forty-seven days we took leave of these very friendly
 +natives. We departed, and, for the sake of obtaining many things of which
 +we were in need, we shaped a course for the island of <​i>​Antiglia</​i>,<​a href="#​note-98"​ name="​noteref-98"><​small>​ 98</​small></​a>​
 +being that which Christopher Columbus discovered a few years ago. Here
 +we took many supplies on board, and remained two months and seventeen
 +days.<a href="#​note-99"​ name="​noteref-99"><​small>​ 99</​small></​a>​ Here we endured many
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page30"​ name="​page30"></​a>​[30]</​span>​
 +                               ​dangers and troubles from the same
 +Christians who were in this island with Columbus. I believe this was
 +caused by envy; but to avoid prolixity, I will refrain from recounting
 +what happened. We departed from the said island on the 22nd of July,<a href="#​note-100"​ name="​noteref-100"><​small>​ 100</​small></​a>​
 +and after a voyage of a month and a half, we entered the port of Cadiz
 +on the 8th of September,<​a href="#​note-101"​ name="​noteref-101"><​small>​ 101</​small></​a>​ being my second voyage. God be praised.
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<hr />
 +<p class="​center">​
 +(<​i>​Respecting his Voyage of 1499-1500</​i>​).
 +<​i>​Alonzo de Hojeda</​i>​ gave evidence that the true reply to the question is,
 +that this witness is the said Hojeda, who was the first man that went
 +to make discoveries after the said Admiral, and that he discovered the
 +mainland to the south and coasted it for nearly 200 leagues to Paria,
 +and went out by the "Boca del Drago",​ and there he knew that the Admiral
 +had been at the island of Trinidad, near the "Boca del Drago",​ and that
 +he went on and discovered the coast of the mainland as far as the Gulf
 +of Pearls and the island of Margarita, where he landed, because he knew
 +that the Admiral had only sighted
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page31"​ name="​page31"></​a>​[31]</​span>​
 +                                  it, and thence he proceeded to discover
 +all the coast of the mainland from "Los Frayles"​ to the "Islas de
 +los Gigantes",​ the Gulf of Venecia, which is on the mainland, and the
 +provinces of Quinquilacoa. On all that land, from 200 leagues beyond
 +Paria, and from Paria to the Pearls, and from the Pearls to Quinquilacoa,​
 +which this witness discovered, no one else had discovered or touched at,
 +neither the Admiral nor any other person, and in this voyage the said
 +witness took with him Juan de la Cosa and Morigo Vespuche, and other
 +pilots, and this witness was despatched for this voyage by order of
 +the said Don Juan de Fonseca, Bishop of Palencia, by order of their
 +Highnesses.<​a href="#​note-102"​ name="​noteref-102"><​small>​ 102</​small></​a>​
 +<hr />
 +VOYAGE OF HOJEDA, 1499-1500.
 +<p class="​center">​
 +(<​i>​From Navarrete</​i>,​ iii, pp. 3-11.)
 +In December 1498 the news arrived of the discovery of Paria. The splendid
 +ideas of the discoverer touching the beauty and wealth of that region
 +were presently made known, and the spirit of maritime enterprise was
 +revived with renewed vigour. Some of those who had sailed with the
 +Admiral, and had benefited by his instruction and example, solicited and
 +obtained from the Court licences to discover, at their own proper cost,
 +the regions beyond what was already known, paying into the Treasury a
 +fourth or fifth part of what they acquired.
 +The first who adventured was Alonso de Hojeda, a native of Cuenca.
 +Owing to his energy and the favour of the Bishop Don Rodriguez de Fonseca,
 +he soon collected the funds and the crews necessary for the equipment of
 +four vessels in the Port of Santa Maria, where Juan de la Cosa resided,
 +a great mariner according to popular ideas, and not inferior to the
 +Admiral himself in his own conceit. He had been a shipmate and pupil
 +of the Admiral in the expedition of Cuba and Jamaica. This man was the
 +principal pilot of Hojeda. They also engaged others who had been in the
 +Paria voyage. Among the other sharers in the enterprise, the Florentine
 +Americo Vespucci merits special mention. He was established in Seville,
 +but became tired of a mercantile life, and entered upon the study of
 +cosmography and nautical subjects, with the desire of embracing a more
 +glorious career. Perhaps this passion was excited by intercourse with the
 +Admiral in the house of Juan Berardi, a merchant, and also a Florentine,
 +and owing to his having become acquainted through this house with the
 +armaments and provisions for the Indies, so that he desired to place
 +his services at the disposal of the commander of the present enterprise.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page32"​ name="​page32"></​a>​[32]</​span></​p>​
 +With such useful companions Hojeda put to sea on the 18th<a href="#​note-103"​ name="​noteref-103"><​small>​ 103</​small></​a>​ or the 20th
 +of May 1499.<a href="#​note-104"​ name="​noteref-104"><​small>​ 104</​small></​a>​ They touched at the Canaries, where they took in such
 +supplies as they needed, and entered on the ocean voyage from Gomera,
 +following the route of the last voyage of the Admiral, for Hojeda was in
 +possession of the marine chart which Columbus had drawn. At the end of
 +twenty-four days they came in sight of the continent of the new world,
 +further south than the point reached by the Admiral, and apparently on
 +the coast of Surinam. They sailed along in sight of the coast for nearly
 +200 leagues, from the neighbourhood of the equator to the Gulf of Paria,
 +without landing. In passing, besides other rivers, they saw two very
 +large ones which made the sea water to be fresh for a long distance,
 +one coming from south to north, which should be the river now called
 +Essequibo in Dutch Guiana, and which was for some time called the <​i>​Rio
 +Dulce</​i>​. The course of the other was from west to east, and may have
 +been the Orinoco, the waters of which flow for many leagues into the sea
 +without mixing with the salt water. The land on the coast was, generally,
 +low and covered with very dense forest. The currents were exceedingly
 +strong towards the N. E., following the general direction of the coast.
 +The first inhabited land seen by our navigators was the island of
 +Trinidad, on the south coast of which they saw a crowd of astonished
 +people watching them from the shore. They landed at three different places
 +with the launches well provisioned,​ and twenty-two well-armed men. The
 +natives were Caribs, or Cannibals, of fine presence and stature, of great
 +vigour, and very expert in the use of bows and arrows, and shields, which
 +were their proper arms. Although they showed some reluctance to come near
 +the Spaniards at first, they were very soon satisfied of the friendly
 +intentions of the strangers, and bartered with them amicably. Thence
 +they entered the Gulf of Paria, and anchored near the river Guarapiche,
 +where they also saw a populous village of peaceful Indians near the
 +shore. They opened communications with the inhabitants,​ and, among
 +other presents, received from them a kind of cider made of fruits, as
 +well as some fruit like <​i>​mirabolans</​i>,​ of exquisite flavour, and here
 +some pearls were obtained. They saw parrots of various colours; and they
 +parted company with these people on friendly terms. Hojeda says that they
 +found traces of the Admiral having been in the island of Trinidad, near
 +the Dragon'​s Mouth, which circumstance was carefully omitted by Vespucci.
 +Having passed the mouth of the terrible strait, Hojeda continued his
 +discovery along the coast of the mainland as far as the Gulf of Pearls
 +or Curiana, visiting and landing on the island of Margarita, which is
 +in front, as he knew that Columbus had only sighted it in passing. In
 +passing he noticed the islets called <​i>​Los Frailes</​i>,​ which are nine miles
 +to the east, and north of Margarita,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page33"​ name="​page33"></​a>​[33]</​span>​
 +                                     and the rock <​i>​Centinela</​i>​. Thence he
 +stood in shore by the cape <​i>​Isleos</​i>​ (now called <​i>​Codera</​i>​),​ anchoring in
 +the road which he called <​i>​Aldea vencida</​i>​. He continued to coast along
 +from port to port, according to the expression of the pilot Morales,
 +until he reached the <​i>​Puerto Flechado</​i>,​ now <​i>​Chichirivichi</​i>,​ where he
 +seems to have had some encounter with the Indians, who wounded twenty-one
 +of his men, of whom one died, as soon as he was brought to be cured,
 +in one of the coves that are between that port and the <​i>​Vela de Coro</​i>,​
 +where they remained twenty days. From this place they shaped a course
 +for the island of Curaçoa, which they called <​i>​Isla de los Gigantes</​i>,​
 +where Americo supposed there was a race of uncommon stature. Perhaps
 +he did not understand the expressions of horror with which the natives
 +referred to the Caribs, and this sufficed to make Vespucci assert that he
 +had seen Pontasiloas and Antæus.<​a href="#​note-105"​ name="​noteref-105"><​small>​ 105</​small></​a>​ They then crossed to a land which
 +they judged to be an island, distant ten leagues from Curaçoa, and saw
 +the cape forming a peninsula, which they named <​i>​San Roman</​i>,​ probably
 +because it was discovered on the 9th of August, on which the feast of
 +that saint is kept. Having rounded the cape, they entered a great gulf,
 +on the eastern side of which, where it is shallow and clear of rocks,
 +they saw a great village, with the houses built over the water, on piles
 +driven into the bottom, and the people communicated from one to the other
 +in canoes. Hojeda named it the Gulf of Venice, from its similarity to
 +that famous city in Italy. The Indians called it the Gulf of Coquibacoa,
 +and we know it now as the Gulf of Venezuela. They explored the interior,
 +and discovered, as it would seem, on the 24th of August, the lake and port
 +of San Bartolomè,<​a href="#​note-106"​ name="​noteref-106"><​small>​ 106</​small></​a>​ now the lake of Maracaibo, where they obtained
 +some Indian women of notable beauty and disposition. It is certain that
 +the natives of this country had the fame of being more beautiful and
 +gracious than those of any other part of that continent. Having explored
 +the western part of the gulf, and doubled the Cape of Coquibacoa,
 +Hojeda and his companions examined the coast as far as the Cabo de la
 +Vela, the extreme point reached in this voyage. On the 30th of August
 +they turned on their homeward voyage for Española or Santo Domingo,
 +and entered the port of Yaquimo on
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page34"​ name="​page34"></​a>​[34]</​span>​
 +                                   the 5th of September 1499, with the
 +intention of loading with brasil wood, according to what Don Fernando
 +Columbus says.
 +Here Hojeda had those disputes with Roldan which are referred to by our
 +historians, but, finally, with leave from that chief, Hojeda removed
 +his ships to Surana, in February 1500.<a href="#​note-107"​ name="​noteref-107"><​small>​ 107</​small></​a>​ According to Vespucci, in
 +his letter to Medici,<​a href="#​note-108"​ name="​noteref-108"><​small>​ 108</​small></​a>​ they navigated from Española in a northerly
 +direction for 200 leagues, discovering more than a thousand islands, most
 +of them inhabited, which would probably be the Lucayos, although those are
 +not nearly so numerous. On one of these he says that they violently seized
 +232 persons for slaves, and that from thence they returned to Spain by the
 +islands of the Azores, Canary and Madeira, arriving in the Bay of Cadiz
 +in the middle of June 1500, where they sold many of the 200 slaves that
 +arrived, the rest having died on the voyage. The truth of these events
 +is not very certain, but it is certain that the profit of the expedition
 +was very small. According to the same Vespucci, deducting costs, not more
 +than 500 ducats remained to divide among 55 shareholders,​ and this when,
 +besides the price of the slaves, they brought home a quantity of pearls,
 +worthy of a place in the royal treasury, of gold and some precious stones,
 +but not many, for, imitating badly the acts of the Admiral, the desire to
 +push on for discovery was greater than that for the acquisition of riches.
 +<hr />
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_4_0005"​ id="​h2H_4_0005"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +    <span class="​sc">​Third Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci.</​span>​
 +Being afterwards in Seville, resting from so many labours that I had
 +endured during these two voyages, and intending to return to the land of
 +pearls, Fortune showed that she was not content with these my labours.
 +I know not how there came into the thoughts of the Most Serene King Don
 +Manuel of Portugal the wish to have my services. But being at Seville,
 +without any thought of going to Portugal, a messenger came to me with
 +a letter from the Royal Crown, in which I was asked to come to Lisbon,
 +to confer
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page35"​ name="​page35"></​a>​[35]</​span>​
 +          with his Highness, who promised to show me favour. I was not
 +inclined to go, and I despatched the messenger with a reply that I was
 +not well, but that when I had recovered, if his Highness still wished
 +for my services, I would come as soon as he might send for me. Seeing
 +that he could not have me, he arranged to send Giuliano di Bartolomeo
 +di Giocondo for me, he being in Lisbon, with instructions that, come
 +what might, he should bring me. The said Giuliano came to Seville,
 +and prayed so hard that I was forced to go. My departure was taken ill
 +by many who knew me, for I left Castille where honour was done me, and
 +where the King held me in good esteem. It was worse that I went without
 +bidding farewell to my host.
 +When I was presented to that King, he showed his satisfaction that I had
 +come, and asked me to go in company with three of his ships that were
 +ready to depart for the discovery of new lands. As the request of a
 +king is a command, I had to consent to whatever he asked, and we sailed
 +from this port of Lisbon with three ships on the 10th of March 1501,
 +shaping our course direct for the island of Grand Canary. We passed
 +without sighting it, and continued along the west coast of Africa. On
 +this coast we made our fishery of a sort of fish called <​i>​parchi</​i>​. We
 +remained three days, and then came to a port on the coast of Ethiopia
 +called <​i>​Besechiece</​i>,<​a href="#​note-109"​ name="​noteref-109"><​small>​ 109</​small></​a>​ which is within the Torrid Zone, the North
 +Pole rising above it 14° 30&​prime;,​ situated in the first climate. Here we
 +remained two days, taking in wood and water; for my intention was to
 +shape a course towards the south, in the Atlantic Gulf. We departed from
 +this port of Ethiopia, and steered to the south-west, taking a quarter
 +point to the south<a href="#​note-110"​ name="​noteref-110"><​small>​ 110</​small></​a>​ until, after sixty-seven days, we came in sight
 +of land, which was 700 leagues
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page36"​ name="​page36"></​a>​[36]</​span>​
 +                               from the said port to the south-west.<​a href="#​note-111"​ name="​noteref-111"><​small>​ 111</​small></​a>​
 +In those sixty-seven days we had the worst time that man ever endured who
 +navigated the seas, owing to the rains, perturbations,​ and storms that we
 +encountered. The season was very contrary to us, by reason of the course
 +of our navigation being continually in contact with the equinoctial line,
 +where, in the month of June, it is winter. We found that the day and
 +the night were equal, and that the shadow was always towards the south.
 +It pleased God to show us a new land on the 17th of August, and we
 +anchored at a distance of half a league, and got our boats out. We then
 +went to see the land, whether it was inhabited, and what it was like. We
 +found that it was inhabited by people who were worse than animals. But
 +your Magnificence must understand that we did not see them at first,
 +though we were convinced that the country was inhabited, by many signs
 +observed by us. We took possession for that Most Serene King; and found
 +the land to be very pleasant and fertile, and of good appearance. It was
 +5° to the south of the equinoctial line. We went back to the ships, and
 +as we were in great want of wood and water, we determined, next day, to
 +return to the shore, with the object of obtaining what we wanted. Being
 +on shore, we saw some people at the top of a hill, who were looking
 +at us, but without showing any intention of coming down. They were
 +naked, and of the same colour and form as the others we had seen. We
 +tried to induce them to come and speak with us, but did not succeed,
 +as they would not trust us. Seeing their obstinacy, and it being late,
 +we returned on board, leaving many bells and mirrors on shore, and other
 +things in their sight. As soon as we were at some distance on the sea,
 +they came down from the hill, and showed themselves to
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page37"​ name="​page37"></​a>​[37]</​span>​
 +                                                       be much astonished
 +at the things. On that day we were only able to obtain water.
 +Next morning we saw from the ship that the people on shore had made a
 +great smoke, and thinking it was a signal to us, we went on shore, where
 +we found that many people had come, but they still kept at a distance from
 +us. They made signs to us that we should come inland with them. Two of
 +our Christians were, therefore, sent to ask their captain for leave to go
 +with them a short distance inland, to see what kind of people they were,
 +and if they had any riches, spices, or drugs. The captain was contented,
 +so they got together many things for barter, and parted from us, with
 +instructions that they should not be more than five days absent, as we
 +would wait that time for them. So they set out on their road inland,
 +and we returned to the ships to wait for them. Nearly every day people
 +came to the beach, but they would not speak with us. On the seventh day
 +we went on shore, and found that they had arranged with their women; for,
 +as we jumped on shore, the men of the land sent many of their women to
 +speak with us. Seeing that they were not reassured, we arranged to send
 +to them one of our people, who was a very agile and valiant youth. To
 +give them more confidence, the rest of us went back into the boats. He
 +went among the women, and they all began to touch and feel him, wondering
 +at him exceedingly. Things being so, we saw a woman come from the hill,
 +carrying a great stick in her hand.<a href="#​note-112"​ name="​noteref-112"><​small>​ 112</​small></​a>​ When she came to where our
 +Christian stood, she raised it, and gave him such a blow that he was
 +felled to the ground. The other women immediately took him by the feet,
 +and dragged him towards the hill. The men rushed down to the beach,
 +and shot at us with their bows
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page38"​ name="​page38"></​a>​[38]</​span>​
 +                               and arrows. Our people, in great fear,
 +hauled the boats towards their anchors,<​a href="#​note-113"​ name="​noteref-113"><​small>​ 113</​small></​a>​ which were on shore; but,
 +owing to the quantities of arrows that came into the boats, no one thought
 +of taking up their arms. At last, four rounds from the bombard were fired
 +at them, and they no sooner heard the report than they all ran away
 +towards the hill, where the women were still tearing the Christian to
 +pieces. At a great fire they had made they roasted him before our eyes,
 +showing us many pieces, and then eating them. The men made signs how they
 +had killed the other two Christians and eaten them. What shocked us much
 +was seeing with our eyes the cruelty with which they treated the dead,
 +which was an intolerable insult to all of us.
 +Having arranged that more than forty of us should land and avenge such
 +cruel murder, and so bestial and inhuman an act, the principal captain
 +would not give his consent. We departed from them unwillingly,​ and with
 +much shame, caused by the decision of our captain.
 +We left this place, and commenced our navigation by shaping a course
 +between east and south. Thus we sailed along the land, making many
 +landings, seeing natives, but having no intercourse with them. We
 +sailed on until we found that the coast made a turn to the west when
 +we had doubled a cape, to which we gave the name of the <​i>​Cape of St.
 +Augustine</​i>​.<​a href="#​note-114"​ name="​noteref-114"><​small>​ 114</​small></​a>​ We then began to shape a course to the south-west.
 +The cape is distant from the place where the Christians were murdered 150
 +leagues towards the east, and this cape is 8° from the equinoctial line
 +to the south. In navigating we saw one day a great multitude of people
 +on the beach, gazing at the wonderful sight of our ships. As we sailed
 +we turned the ship towards them, anchored in a good place, and went on
 +shore with the boats. We
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page39"​ name="​page39"></​a>​[39]</​span>​
 +                         found the people to be better conditioned than
 +those we had met with before, and, responding to our overtures, they
 +soon made friends, and treated with us. We were five days in this place,
 +and found <​i>​canna fistola</​i>​ very thick and green, and dry on the tops of
 +the trees. We determined to take a pair of men from this place, that
 +they might teach us their language, and three of them came voluntarily
 +to go to Portugal.
 +Lest your Magnificence should be tired of so much writing, you must know
 +that, on leaving this port, we sailed along on a westerly course, always
 +in sight of land, continually making many landings, and speaking with
 +an infinite number of people. We were so far south that we were outside
 +the Tropic of Capricorn, where the South Pole rises above the horizon
 +32°. We had lost sight altogether of <​i>​Ursa Minor</​i>​ and <​i>​Ursa Major</​i>,​
 +which were far below and scarcely seen on the horizon.<​a href="#​note-115"​ name="​noteref-115"><​small>​ 115</​small></​a>​ We guided
 +ourselves by the stars of the South Pole, which are numerous and much
 +larger and brighter than those of our Pole. I traced the figure of the
 +greater part of those of the first magnitude, with a declaration of their
 +orbits round the South Pole, and of their diameters and semi-diameters,​
 +as may be seen in my <span class="​sc">​Four Voyages</​span>​. We sailed along that coast for 750
 +leagues, 150 from the cape called <​i>​St. Augustine</​i>,​ to the west, and 600
 +to the south.
 +Desiring to recount the things I saw on that coast, and what happened
 +to us, as many more leaves would not suffice me. On the coast we saw an
 +infinite number of trees, brazil wood<a href="#​note-116"​ name="​noteref-116"><​small>​ 116</​small></​a>​ and <​i>​cassia</​i>,​ and those trees
 +which yield myrrh, as well as other marvels of nature which I am unable
 +to recount. Having now been ten months on the voyage, and having seen
 +that there was no mining wealth whatever in that land, we decided upon
 +taking leave of it, and
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page40"​ name="​page40"></​a>​[40]</​span>​
 +                        upon sailing across the sea for some other part.
 +Having held a consultation,​ it was decided that the course should be
 +taken which seemed good to me; and the command of the fleet was entrusted
 +to me. I gave orders that the fleet should be supplied with wood and
 +water for six months, such being the decision of the officers of the
 +ships. Having made our departure from this land, we began our navigation
 +with a southerly course on the 15th of February, when already the sun
 +moved towards the equinoctial,​ and turned towards our Hemisphere of the
 +North. We sailed so far on this course that we found ourselves where the
 +South Pole had a height above our horizon of 52° and we could no longer
 +see the stars of <​i>​Ursa Minor</​i>​ or of <​i>​Ursa Major</​i>​. We were then 500 leagues
 +to the south of the port whence we had departed, and this was on the 3rd
 +of April. On this day such a tempest arose on the sea that all our sails
 +were blown away, and we ran under bare poles, with a heavy southerly gale
 +and a tremendous sea; the air being very tempestuous. The gale was such
 +that all the people in the fleet were much alarmed. The nights were very
 +long, for the night we had on the 7th of April lasted fifteen hours,
 +the sun being at the end of Aries, and in that region it was winter,
 +as your Magnificence will be well aware. Sailing in this storm, on the
 +7th of April we came in sight of new land,<a href="#​note-117"​ name="​noteref-117"><​small>​ 117</​small></​a>​ along which we ran for
 +nearly 20 leagues, and found it all a rocky coast, without any port or
 +inhabitants. I believe this was because the cold was so great that no one
 +in the fleet could endure it. Finding ourselves in such peril, and in such
 +a storm that we could scarcely see one ship from another, owing to the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page41"​ name="​page41"></​a>​[41]</​span>​
 + ​greatness of the waves and the blinding mist, it was agreed with the
 +principal captain that a signal should be made to the ships that they
 +should make for land, and then shape a course for Portugal. This was
 +very good counsel, for it is certain that if we had delayed another
 +night all would have been lost; for, as we wore round on the next day,
 +we were met by such a storm that we expected to be swamped. We had to
 +undertake pilgrimages and perform other ceremonies, as is the custom
 +of sailors at such times. We ran for five days, always coming towards
 +the equinoctial line, where the air and sea became more temperate. It
 +pleased God to deliver us from such peril. Our course was now between
 +the north and north-east, for our intention was to reach the coast of
 +Ethiopia, our distance from it being 300 leagues, in the Gulf of the
 +Atlantic Sea. By the grace of God, on the 10th day of May, we came in
 +sight of land, where we were able to refresh ourselves, the land being
 +called <i>La Serra Liona</​i>​. We were there fifteen days, and thence shaped
 +a course to the islands of the <​i>​Azores</​i>,​ which are distant nearly 750
 +leagues from that <​i>​Serra</​i>​. We reached the islands in the end of July,
 +where we remained fifteen days taking some recreation. Thence we departed
 +for Lisbon, distant 300 leagues to the west, and arrived at that port of
 +Lisbon on the 7th of September 1502, may God be thanked for our salvation,
 +with only two ships. We burnt the other at <​i>​Serra Liona</​i>,​ because she
 +was no longer seaworthy. We were employed on this voyage nearly fifteen
 +months; and for eleven days we navigated without seeing the North Star,
 +nor the Great or Little Bears, which they call <i>el corno</​i>,​ and we were
 +guided by the stars of the other Pole. This is what I saw on this voyage.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page42"​ name="​page42"></​a>​[42]</​span></​p>​
 +<hr />
 +<​i>​Letter on his Third Voyage from</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​Amerigo Vespucci</​span>​ <​i>​to</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​Lorenzo Pietro
 +Francesco di Medici</​span>​.
 +<p class="​right">​
 +                                              <​i>​March (or April) 1503.</​i>​
 +Alberico Vesputio to Lorenzo Pietro di Medici, salutation. In passed
 +days I wrote very fully to you of my return from the new countries,
 +which have been found and explored with the ships, at the cost, and by
 +the command, of this Most Serene King of Portugal; and it is lawful to
 +call it a new world, because none of these countries were known to our
 +ancestors, and to all who hear about them they will be entirely new.
 +For the opinion of the ancients was, that the greater part of the world
 +beyond the equinoctial line to the south was not land, but only sea,
 +which they have called the Atlantic; and if they have affirmed that any
 +continent is there, they have given many reasons for denying that it
 +is inhabited. But this their opinion is false, and entirely opposed to
 +the truth. My last voyage has proved it, for I have found a continent
 +in that southern part; more populous and more full of animals than our
 +Europe, or Asia, or Africa, and even more temperate and pleasant than any
 +other region known to us, as will be explained further on. I shall write
 +succinctly of the principal things only, and the things most worthy of
 +notice and of being remembered, which I either saw or heard of in this
 +new world, as presently will become manifest.
 +We set out, on a prosperous voyage, on the 14th of May<a href="#​note-118"​ name="​noteref-118"><​small>​ 118</​small></​a>​ 1501,
 +sailing from Lisbon, by order of the aforesaid King, with three ships,
 +to discover new countries towards the west; and we sailed towards the
 +south continuously
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page43"​ name="​page43"></​a>​[43]</​span>​
 +                   for twenty months.<​a href="#​note-119"​ name="​noteref-119"><​small>​ 119</​small></​a>​ Of this navigation the order
 +is as follows: Our course was for the Fortunate Islands, so called
 +formerly, but now we call them the Grand Canary Islands, which are in
 +the third climate, and on the confines of the inhabited west. Thence we
 +sailed rapidly over the ocean along the coast of Africa and part of
 +Ethiopia to the Ethiopic Promontory, so called by Ptolemy, which is
 +now called Cape Verde, and by the Ethiopians <​i>​Biseghier</​i>,​ and that
 +country <​i>​Mandraga</​i>,​ 13° within the Torrid Zone, on the north side of
 +the equinoctial line. The country is inhabited by a black race. Having
 +taken on board what we required, we weighed our anchors and made sail,
 +taking our way across the vast ocean towards the Antarctic Pole, with some
 +westing. From the day when we left the before-mentioned promontory, we
 +sailed for the space of two months and three days.<a href="#​note-120"​ name="​noteref-120"><​small>​ 120</​small></​a>​ Hitherto no land
 +had appeared to us in that vast sea. In truth, how much we had suffered,
 +what dangers of shipwreck, I leave to the judgment of those to whom the
 +experience of such things is very well known. What a thing it is to seek
 +unknown lands, and how difficult, being ignorant, to narrate briefly what
 +happened. It should be known that, of the sixty-seven days of our voyage,
 +we were navigating continuously forty-four. We had copious thunderstorms
 +and perturbations,​ and it was so dark that we never could see either the
 +sun in the day or the moon at night. This caused us great fear, so that
 +we lost all hope of life. In these most terrible dangers of the sea it
 +pleased the Most High to show us the continent and the new countries,
 +being another unknown world. These things being in sight, we were as
 +much rejoiced as anyone may imagine who, after calamity and ill-fortune,​
 +has obtained safety.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page44"​ name="​page44"></​a>​[44]</​span></​p>​
 +It was on the 7th August<a href="#​note-121"​ name="​noteref-121"><​small>​ 121</​small></​a>​ 1501, that we reached those countries,
 +thanking our Lord God with solemn prayers, and celebrating a choral
 +Mass. We knew that land to be a continent, and not an island, from its
 +long beaches extending without trending round, the infinite number of
 +inhabitants,​ the numerous tribes and peoples, the numerous kinds of wild
 +animals unknown in our country, and many others never seen before by us,
 +touching which it would take long to make reference. The clemency of God
 +was shown forth to us by being brought to these regions; for the ships
 +were in a leaking state, and in a few days our lives might have been lost
 +in the sea. To Him be the honour and glory, and the grace of the action.
 +We took counsel, and resolved to navigate along the coast of this
 +continent towards the east, and never to lose sight of the land. We sailed
 +along until we came to a point where the coast turned to the south. The
 +distance from the landfall to this point was nearly 300 leagues.<​a href="#​note-122"​ name="​noteref-122"><​small>​ 122</​small></​a>​
 +In this stretch of coast we often landed, and had friendly relations
 +with the natives,<​a href="#​note-123"​ name="​noteref-123"><​small>​ 123</​small></​a>​ as I shall presently relate. I had forgotten to
 +tell you that from Cape Verde to the first land of this continent the
 +distance is nearly 700 leagues; although I estimate that we went over more
 +than 1,800, partly owing to ignorance of the route, and partly owing to
 +the tempests and foul winds which drove us off our course, and sent us
 +in various directions. If my companions had not trusted in me, to whom
 +cosmography was known, no one, not the leader of our navigation, would
 +have known where we were after running 500 leagues. We were wandering
 +and full of errors, and only the instruments for taking the altitudes
 +of heavenly bodies showed us our position.
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page45"​ name="​page45"></​a>​[45]</​span>​
 +                                           These were the quadrant and
 +astrolabe, as known to all. These have been much used by me with much
 +honour; for I showed them that a knowledge of the marine chart, and the
 +rules taught by it, are more worth than all the pilots in the world. For
 +these pilots have no knowledge beyond those places to which they have
 +often sailed. Where the said point of land showed us the trend of the
 +coast to the south, we agreed to continue our voyage, and to ascertain
 +what there might be in those regions. We sailed along the coast for
 +nearly 500 leagues, often going on shore and having intercourse with the
 +natives, who received us in a brotherly manner. We sometimes stayed with
 +them for fifteen or twenty days continuously,​ as friends and guests, as
 +I shall relate presently. Part of this continent is in the Torrid Zone,
 +beyond the equinoctial line towards the South Pole. But it begins at 8°
 +beyond the equinoctial. We sailed along the coast so far that we crossed
 +the Tropic of Capricorn, and found ourselves where the Antarctic Pole
 +was 50° above our horizon. We went towards the Antarctic Circle until
 +we were 17° 30&​prime;​ from it<a href="#​note-124"​ name="​noteref-124"><​small>​ 124</​small></​a>;​ all which I have seen, and I have known
 +the nature of those people, their customs, the resources and fertility
 +of the land, the salubrity of the air, the positions of the celestial
 +bodies in the heavens, and, above all, the fixed stars, over an eighth
 +of the sphere, never seen by our ancestors, as I shall explain below.
 +As regards the people: we have found such a multitude in those countries
 +that no one could enumerate them, as we read in the Apocalypse. They are
 +people gentle and tractable, and all of both sexes go naked, not covering
 +any part of their bodies, just as they came from their mothers'​ wombs,
 +and so they go until their deaths. They have large, square-built bodies,
 +and well proportioned. Their colour reddish, which I think is caused by
 +their going naked and
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page46"​ name="​page46"></​a>​[46]</​span>​
 +                      exposed to the sun. Their hair is plentiful and
 +black. They are agile in walking, and of quick sight. They are of a
 +free and good-looking expression of countenance,​ which they themselves
 +destroy by boring the nostrils and lips, the nose and ears; nor must
 +you believe that the borings are small, nor that they only have one,
 +for I have seen those who had no less than seven borings in the face,
 +each one the size of a plum. They stop up these perforations with blue
 +stones, bits of marble, of crystal, or very fine alabaster, also with
 +very white bones and other things artificially prepared according to their
 +customs; which, if you could see, it would appear a strange and monstrous
 +thing. One had in the nostrils and lips alone seven stones, of which some
 +were half a palm in length. It will astonish you to hear that I considered
 +that the weight of seven such stones was as much as sixteen ounces. In
 +each ear they had three perforations bored, whence they had other stones
 +and rings suspended. This custom is only for the men, as the women do
 +not perforate their faces, but only their ears. Another custom among
 +them is sufficiently shameful, and beyond all human credibility. Their
 +women, being very libidinous, make the penis of their husbands swell to
 +such a size as to appear deformed; and this is accomplished by a certain
 +artifice, being the bite of some poisonous animal, and by reason of this
 +many lose their virile organ and remain eunuchs.
 +They have no cloth, either of wool, flax, or cotton, because they have
 +no need of it; nor have they any private property, everything being
 +in common. They live amongst themselves without a king or ruler, each
 +man being his own master, and having as many wives as they please. The
 +children cohabit with the mothers, the brothers with the sisters, the
 +male cousins with the female, and each one with the first he meets.
 +They have no temples and no laws, nor are they idolaters. What more can
 +I say! They live
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page47"​ name="​page47"></​a>​[47]</​span>​
 +                  according to nature, and are more inclined to be
 +Epicurean than Stoic. They have no commerce among each other, and they
 +wage war without art or order. The old men make the youths do what they
 +please, and incite them to fights, in which they mutually kill with
 +great cruelty. They slaughter those who are captured, and the victors
 +eat the vanquished; for human flesh is an ordinary article of food
 +among them. You may be the more certain of this, because I have seen
 +a man eat his children and wife; and I knew a man who was popularly
 +credited to have eaten 300 human bodies. I was once in a certain city
 +for twenty-seven days, where human flesh was hung up near the houses,
 +in the same way as we expose butcher'​s meat. I say further that they were
 +surprised that we did not eat our enemies, and use their flesh as food,
 +for they say it is excellent. Their arms are bows and arrows, and when
 +they go to war they cover no part of their bodies, being in this like
 +beasts. We did all we could to persuade them to desist from their evil
 +habits, and they promised us to leave off. The women, as I have said,
 +go naked, and are very libidinous, yet their bodies are comely; but they
 +are as wild as can be imagined.
 +They live for 150 years, and are rarely sick. If they are attacked by
 +a disease they cure themselves with the roots of some herbs. These are
 +the most noteworthy things I know about them.
 +The air in this country is temperate and good, as we were able to learn
 +from their accounts that there are never any pestilences or epidemics
 +caused by bad air. Unless they meet with violent deaths, their lives
 +are long. I believe this is because a southerly wind is always blowing,
 +a south wind to them being what a north wind is to us. They are expert
 +fishermen, and the sea is full of all kinds of fish. They are not hunters;
 +I think because here there are many kinds of wild animals, principally
 +lions and bears,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page48"​ name="​page48"></​a>​[48]</​span>​
 +                 ​innumerable serpents, and other horrible creatures and
 +deformed beasts; also because there are vast forests and trees of immense
 +size. They have not the courage to face such dangers naked and without
 +any defence.
 +The land is very fertile, abounding in many hills and valleys, and in
 +large rivers, and is irrigated by very refreshing springs. It is covered
 +with extensive and dense forests, which are almost impenetrable,​ and
 +full of every kind of wild beast. Great trees grow without cultivation,​
 +of which many yield fruits pleasant to the taste and nourishing to the
 +human body; and a great many have an opposite effect. The fruits are
 +unlike those in our country; and there are innumerable different kinds
 +of fruits and herbs, of which they make bread and excellent food. They
 +also have many seeds unlike ours. No kind of metal has been found except
 +gold, in which the country abounds, though we have brought none back in
 +this our first navigation. The natives, however, assured us that there
 +was an immense quantity of gold underground,​ and nothing was to be had
 +from them for a price. Pearls abound, as I wrote to you.
 +If I was to attempt to write of all the species of animals, it would
 +be a long and tedious task. I believe certainly that our Pliny did not
 +touch upon a thousandth part of the animals and birds that exist in this
 +region; nor could an artist such as Policletus,<​a href="#​note-125"​ name="​noteref-125"><​small>​ 125</​small></​a>​ succeed in painting
 +them. All the trees are odoriferous,​ and some of them emit gums, oils,
 +or other liquors. If they were our property, I do not doubt but that
 +they would be useful to man. If the terrestrial paradise is in some part
 +of this land, it cannot be very far from the coast we visited. It is,
 +as I have told you, in a climate where the air is temperate at noon,
 +being neither cold in winter nor hot in summer.
 +The sky and air are serene during a great part of the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page49"​ name="​page49"></​a>​[49]</​span>​
 +                                                      year. Thick vapours,
 +with fine rain falling, last for three or four hours and then disappear
 +like smoke. The sky is adorned with most beautiful signs and figures,
 +in which I have noted as many as twenty stars as bright as we sometimes
 +see Venus and Jupiter. I have considered the orbits and motions of these
 +stars, and I have measured the circumference and diameters of the stars
 +by a geometrical method,<​a href="#​note-126"​ name="​noteref-126"><​small>​ 126</​small></​a>​ ascertaining which were the largest. I
 +saw in the heaven three <​i>​Canopi</​i>,​ two certainly bright, and the other
 +obscure. The Antarctic Pole is not figured with a Great Bear and a Little
 +Bear, like our Arctic Pole, nor is any bright star seen near it, and
 +of those which go round in the shortest circuit there are three which
 +have the figure of the orthogonous triangle, of which the smallest has
 +a diameter of 9 half-degrees. To the east of these is seen a <​i>​Canopus</​i>​
 +of great size, and white, which, when in mid-heaven, has this figure:&​mdash;​
 +<div class="​figure">​
 +<a name="​image-001"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_101.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_101.png"​ width="​400"​ height="​160"​
 +title="​(Canopus (first diagram))"​
 +alt="​(Canopus (first diagram))"​ /></​a>​
 +After these come two others, of which the half-circumference,​ the
 +diameter, has 12 half-degrees;​ and with them is seen another Canopus.
 +To these succeed six other most beautiful and very bright stars, beyond
 +all the others of the eighth sphere, which, in the superficies of the
 +heaven, have half the circumference,​ the diameter 32°, and with them
 +is one black Canopus of immense size, seen in the Milky
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page50"​ name="​page50"></​a>​[50]</​span>​
 +                                                        Way, and they
 +have this shape when they are on the meridian:&​mdash;​
 +<div class="​figure">​
 +<a name="​image-002"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_102.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_102.png"​ width="​400"​ height="​160"​
 +title="​(Canopus (second diagram))"​
 +alt="​(Canopus (second diagram))"​ /></​a>​
 +I have known many other very beautiful stars, which I have diligently
 +noted down, and have described very well in a certain little book
 +describing this my navigation, which at present is in the possession
 +of that Most Serene King, and I hope he will restore it to me. In
 +that hemisphere I have seen things not compatible with the opinions
 +of philosophers. Twice I have seen a white rainbow towards the middle
 +of the night, which was not only observed by me, but also by all the
 +sailors. Likewise we often saw the new moon on the day on which it is
 +in conjunction with the sun. Every night, in that part of the heavens
 +of which we speak, there were innumerable vapours and burning meteors.
 +I have told you, a little way back, that, in the hemisphere of which
 +we are speaking, it is not a complete hemisphere in respect to ours,
 +because it does not take that form so that it may be properly called so.
 +Therefore, as I have said, from Lisbon, whence we started, the distance
 +from the equinoctial line is 39°, and we navigated beyond the equinoctial
 +line to 50°, which together make 90°, which is one quarter of a great
 +circle, according to the true measurement handed down to us by the
 +ancients, so that it is manifest that we must have navigated over a
 +fourth part of the earth. By this reasoning, we who inhabit Lisbon, at
 +a distance of 39° from the equinoctial line in north latitude, are to
 +those who live under 50° beyond the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page51"​ name="​page51"></​a>​[51]</​span>​
 +                                    same line, in meridional length,
 +angularly 5° on a transverse line. I will explain this more clearly: a
 +perpendicular line, while we stand upright, if suspended from a point of
 +the heavens exactly vertical, hangs over our heads; but it hangs over them
 +sideways. Thus, while we are on a right line, they are on a transverse
 +line. An orthogonal triangle is thus formed, of which we have the right
 +line, but the base and hypotenuse to them seems the vertical line, as
 +in this figure it will appear. This will suffice as regards cosmography.
 +<table style="​width:​ auto;" summary="​diagram aligment container">​
 +<td align="​right"​ colspan="​2"><​span>​Vertex<​a href="#​note-127"​ name="​noteref-127"><​small>​ 127</​small></​a>​ of our heads.</​span></​td>​
 +<​tr><​td align="​right"​ style="​vertical-align:​ bottom;">​
 +<​span>​Vertex of their heads.</​span></​td>​
 +<a name="​image-003"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_103.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_103.png"​ width="​200"​ height="​115"​
 +title="​(triangle diagram)"​
 +alt="​(triangle diagram)"​ /></​a>​
 +<td align="​left">​Us.</​td>​
 +<​tr><​td></​td><​td colspan="​2"​ align="​center">​Them.</​td></​tr>​
 +These are the most notable things that I have seen in this my last
 +navigation, or, as I call it, the third voyage. For the other two voyages
 +were made by order of the Most Serene King of Spain to the west, in which
 +I noted many wonderful works of God, our Creator; and if I should have
 +time, I intend to collect all these singular and wonderful things into a
 +geographical or cosmographical book, that my record may live with future
 +generations;​ and the immense work of the omnipotent God will be known, in
 +parts still unknown, but known to us. I also pray that the most merciful
 +God will prolong my life that, with His good grace, I may be able to make
 +the best disposition of this my wish. I keep the other two journeys in
 +my sanctuary, and the Most Serene King restoring to me the third journey,
 +I intend to return to peace and my country. There, in consultation
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page52"​ name="​page52"></​a>​[52]</​span>​
 + with
 +learned persons, and comforted and aided by friends, I shall be able to
 +complete my work.
 +I ask your pardon for not having sooner been able to send you this my
 +last navigation, as I had promised in my former letters. I believe that
 +you will understand the cause, which was that I could not get the books
 +from this Most Serene King. I think of undertaking a fourth voyage in
 +the same direction, and promise is already made of two ships with their
 +armaments, in which I may seek new regions of the East on a course called
 +Africus. In which journey I hope much to do God honour, to be of service
 +to this kingdom, to secure repute for my old age, and I expect no other
 +result with the permission of this Most Serene King. May God permit what
 +is for the best, and you shall be informed of what happens.
 +This letter was translated from the Italian into the Latin language
 +by Jocundus, interpreter,​ as everyone understands Latin who desires
 +to learn about these voyages, and to search into the things of heaven,
 +and to know all that is proper to be known; for, from the time the world
 +began, so much has not been discovered touching the greatness of the
 +earth and what is contained in it.
 +<hr />
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_4_0006"​ id="​h2H_4_0006"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +    <span class="​sc">​Fourth Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci.</​span>​
 +It remains for me to relate the things I saw in the fourth voyage; but
 +as I am already tired, and as the voyage did not end as was intended,
 +owing to an accident which happened in the Atlantic, as your Magnificence
 +will shortly understand, I propose to be brief. We departed from this
 +port of Lisbon with six ships,<a href="#​note-128"​ name="​noteref-128"><​small>​ 128</​small></​a>​ having the intention of
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page53"​ name="​page53"></​a>​[53]</​span>​
 + ​discovering
 +an island in the East called Melaccha, of which it was reported that it
 +was very rich, and that it was the mart of all the ships that navigate
 +the Gangetic and Indian Seas, as Cadiz is the mart for all vessels
 +passing from east to west or from west to east by way of Galicut. This
 +Melaccha is more to the west than Galicut, and much more to the south,
 +for we know that it is in 33° from the Antarctic Pole.<a href="#​note-129"​ name="​noteref-129"><​small>​ 129</​small></​a>​ We departed
 +on the 10th of May 1503, and shaped a course direct for the Cape Verde
 +Islands, where we careened and took in fresh provisions, remaining for
 +thirteen days. Thence we continued on our voyage, shaping a south-easterly
 +course, and as our commander was a presumptuous and very obstinate man,
 +he wanted to go to Serra-liona,​ in the southern land of Æthiopia, without
 +any necessity, unless it was to show that he was commander of the six
 +ships, and he acted against the wishes of all the other captains. Thus
 +navigating, when we came in sight of the said land the weather was so
 +bad, with a contrary wind, that we were in sight for four days without
 +being able to reach the place, owing to the storm. The consequence was
 +that we were obliged to resume our proper course, and give up the said
 +Serra, shaping a south-west course. When we had sailed for 300 leagues,
 +being 3° to the south of the equinoctial line, a land was sighted<​a href="#​note-130"​ name="​noteref-130"><​small>​ 130</​small></​a>​
 +at a distance of twenty-two leagues, at which we were astonished. We found
 +that it was an island in the midst of the sea, very high and wonderful in
 +its formation, for it was not more than two leagues long and one broad,
 +and uninhabited. It was an evil island for all the fleet, because your
 +Magnificence must know that, through the bad advice and management of
 +our commander, his ship was lost. For, with three in company, he struck
 +on a rock in the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page54"​ name="​page54"></​a>​[54]</​span>​
 +                 night of St. Lawrence, which is on the 10th of August,
 +and went to the bottom, nothing being saved but the crew. She was a ship
 +of 300 tons, and the chief importance of the fleet centred in her. As
 +the other ships were worn and needed repairs, the commander ordered
 +me to go to the island in my ship, and find a good anchorage where the
 +fleet could anchor. As my boat, with nine of my sailors, was employed
 +in helping the other ships, he did not wish that I should take it, but
 +that I should go without it, telling me that I should go by myself. I
 +left the fleet in accordance with my orders, without a boat and with less
 +than half my sailors, and went to the island, which was at a distance of
 +four leagues. I found an excellent port where the fleet could anchor in
 +perfect security. Here I waited for my captain and the fleet for eight
 +days, but they never came. We were very discontented,​ and the men were
 +full of apprehensions which I could not remove. Being in this state of
 +anxiety, at last, on the eighth day, we saw a ship coming from seaward,
 +and, fearing that she might not see us, we came out to her, expecting
 +that she was bringing my boat and people. When we came up to her, after
 +salutes, they told us that the <​i>​Capitana</​i>​ was gone to the bottom, the
 +crew being saved, and that my boat and people remained with the fleet,
 +which had gone to that sea ahead, which was a great trouble to us. What
 +will your Magnificence think of my finding myself 1,000 leagues from
 +Lisbon with few men? Nevertheless,​ we put a bold face on the matter,
 +and still went ahead. We returned to the island, and filled up with
 +wood and water by using our consort'​s boat. We found the island to be
 +uninhabited,​ supplied with abundance of fresh water, quantities of trees,
 +and full of marine and land birds without number. They were so tame that
 +they allowed us to take them with our hands. We caught so many that we
 +loaded a boat with these animals. We saw nothing
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page55"​ name="​page55"></​a>​[55]</​span>​
 +                                                 but very large rats,
 +lizards with two tails, and some serpents.
 +Having got in our provisions we departed, shaping a course between south
 +and south-west, for we had an order from the King that any ship parted
 +from the rest of the fleet, or from the Commander-in-Chief,​ should make
 +for the land that was visited in the previous voyage. We discovered a port
 +to which we gave the name of the Bay of <​i>​All Saints</​i>,<​a href="#​note-131"​ name="​noteref-131"><​small>​ 131</​small></​a>​ and it pleased
 +God to give us such fine weather that we reached it in seventeen days,
 +being 300 leagues from the island. Here we neither found our commander
 +nor any of the other ships of the fleet. We waited in this port for
 +two months and four days, and, seeing that there was no arrival, I and
 +my consort determined to explore the coast. We sailed onwards for 260
 +leagues until we reached a harbour where we agreed to build a fort. We
 +did so, and left twenty-four Christian men in it who were on board my
 +consort, being part of the crew of the <​i>​Capitana</​i>​ that was lost. We
 +were in that harbour five months, building the fort, and loading our
 +ships with brazil-wood. For we were not able to advance further, because
 +we had not full crews, and I wanted many necessaries. Having done all
 +this, we agreed to return to Portugal, which bore between north-east and
 +north. We left the twenty-four men in the fort, with provisions for six
 +months, twelve bombards, and many other arms. We had made friends with
 +all the natives round, of whom I have made no mention in this voyage,
 +not because we did not see and have intercourse with an infinite number
 +of tribes: for we went inland with thirty men, for a distance of 40
 +leagues, and saw so many things that I refrain from recounting them,
 +reserving them for my <span class="​sc">​Four Voyages</​span>​. This land is 18° to the south of the
 +equinoctial line, and
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page56"​ name="​page56"></​a>​[56]</​span>​
 +                      beyond the meridian of Lisbon 37° further to the
 +west, according to what was shown by our instruments. All this being done,
 +we took leave of the Christians and of that land, and began our navigation
 +to the north-north-east,​ with the object of shaping a course for this
 +city of Lisbon. After seventy-seven days of many hardships and dangers
 +we entered this port on the 18th of June 1504. God be praised. Here we
 +were very well received, more so than anyone would believe. For all the
 +city had given us up, all the other ships of the fleet having been lost,
 +owing to the pride and folly of our commander.<​a href="#​note-132"​ name="​noteref-132"><​small>​ 132</​small></​a>​ May God reward him
 +for his pride!
 +At present I may be found in Lisbon, not knowing what the King may wish
 +to do with me, but I greatly desire rest.
 +The bearer of this is Benvenuto di Domenico Benvenuti, who will tell
 +your Magnificence of my condition, and of some things which I have left
 +out to avoid prolixity, for he has seen and heard, God knows, how much
 +of them. I have condensed the letter as much as possible, and to this
 +end have omitted many natural things, for which your Magnificence will
 +pardon me. I beseech you to include me in the number of your servants,
 +and I commend you to Ser Antonio Vespucci my brother, and to all my
 +house. I conclude praying God that He will prolong your life, and that
 +He will favour the state of that exalted Republic and the honour of
 +your Magnificence.
 +Given in Lisbon, September 4th, 1504.
 +<p class="​right">​
 +                                                          Your servant,
 +<br />
 +                                           <​span class="​sc">​Amerigo Vespucci</​span>,​ in Lisbon.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page57"​ name="​page57"></​a>​[57]</​span></​p>​
 +<hr />
 +<​i>​Letter from the Admiral</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​Christopher Columbus</​span>​ <i>to his Son, referring
 +to</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​Amerigo Vespucci</​span>​.<​a href="#​note-133"​ name="​noteref-133"><​small>​ 133</​small></​a>​
 +<span class="​sc">​My Dear Son</​span>,&​mdash;​Diego Mendez left here on Monday, the 3rd of this month.
 +After his departure, I spoke with Amerigo Vespucci, the bearer of this
 +letter, who is going to the Court on matters relating to navigation.
 +He always showed a desire to please me, and is a very respectable man.
 +Fortune has been adverse to him, as to many others. His labours have
 +not been so profitable to him as he might have expected. He leaves me
 +with the desire to do me service, if it should be in his power. I am
 +unable here to point out in what way he could be useful to me, because
 +I do not know what may be required at Court; but he goes with the
 +determination of doing all he can for me. You will see in what way he
 +can be employed. Think the matter over, as he will do everything, and
 +speak, and put things in train; but let all be done secretly, so as not
 +to arouse suspicion of him. I have told him all I can about my affairs,
 +and of the payments that have been made to me and are due. This letter
 +is also for the Adelantado, for he can see in what way use can be made
 +of it, and will apprise you of it, etc., etc.
 +Dated in Seville, the 5th of February (1505).
 +<p class="​right">​
 +                                                    S. <br />
 +                                                 S. A. S. <br />
 +                                                 X. M. Y. <br />
 +                                                 XPO FERENS.
 +<hr />
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page58"​ name="​page58"></​a>​[58]</​span></​p>​
 +<​i>​Letter from</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​Hieronimo Vianelo</​span>​ <i>to the</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​Seigneury of Venice</​span>​.<​a href="#​note-134"​ name="​noteref-134"><​small>​ 134</​small></​a>​
 +<p class="​right">​
 +                                      <​i>​Burgos,​ December 23rd, 1506.</​i>​
 +The two ships have arrived from the Indies, belonging to the King, my
 +Lord, which went on a voyage of discovery under Juan Biscaino<​a href="#​note-135"​ name="​noteref-135"><​small>​ 135</​small></​a>​ and
 +Almerigo Fiorentino.<​a href="#​note-136"​ name="​noteref-136"><​small>​ 136</​small></​a>​ They went to the S.W., 800 leagues beyond the
 +island of Española, which is 2,000 leagues from the Straits of Hercules,
 +and discovered mainland, which they judge to be 200 leagues from the
 +land of Española, and after coasting along it for 600 leagues they came
 +to a great river, with a mouth 40 leagues across, and went up it for
 +150 leagues, in which there are many islets inhabited by Indians. They
 +live, for the most part, very miserably on fish, and go naked. Thence
 +they went back with some of these Indians, and went along the coast of
 +the said land for 600 leagues, where they met an Indian canoe, which is
 +carved out of one piece of wood. It had a sail, and went to the mainland
 +with eighty men, with many bows, and targets of a very light but strong
 +wood. They went to the mainland to take Indians who live there, who do
 +not serve them as slaves, but are
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page59"​ name="​page59"></​a>​[59]</​span>​
 +                                  eaten by them like deer, rabbits, and
 +other animals. Our people took these Indians. Their bows are made of
 +ebony and their arrows have corals made of the nerves of snakes. Having
 +taken this canoe, they returned to the said island, where there came
 +against them a great number of Indians, with bows and arrows in their
 +hands. They defeated these natives and explored the island, which they
 +found very sterile. At noon they came to a plain, which was so covered
 +with serpents and snakes and dragons, that it was marvellous. They kept
 +one, as it seemed to them to be a very wonderful thing. This dragon was
 +larger than a <​i>​cachalote</​i>​.<​a href="#​note-137"​ name="​noteref-137"><​small>​ 137</​small></​a>​
 +The island is intersected by a mountain, one part to the north the other
 +to the south. The north side is inhabited by these Indians, the other
 +side by those poisonous animals. They say that none of these serpents
 +ever pass to the inhabited part, and in the whole of that side there
 +are no serpents, nor any similar animals. Having seen this, the said
 +ships departed, and took away seven Indians of that land, good sailors,
 +and coasted along the coast to a place called Alseshij, and thence for
 +400 leagues to the westward, when they came to a land where they found
 +many houses, out of which came many Indians to receive them and do them
 +honour, and they say that one of these had previously predicted that
 +certain ships of a great king, to them unknown, would come from the
 +east and make them all slaves, and that all the strangers were gifted
 +with life eternal, and that their persons would be adorned with various
 +dresses. They say that when their king saw our ships he said: "​Behold,​
 +here are the ships that I told you of ten years ago." This king came
 +with a breast-plate of massive gold on his breast and a chain of gold,
 +and a mask of gold with four golden bells of a mark each at his feet;
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page60"​ name="​page60"></​a>​[60]</​span>​
 + and with him came twenty Indians, all with gold masks on their faces,
 +beating golden kettle-drums,​ each weighing thirty marks. When they
 +saw the islanders with the Spaniards they began to be disdainful, and
 +to fight fiercely with our people with poisoned arrows. They numbered
 +5,000, and 140 of our men had landed. They fell to and cut to pieces
 +nearly 700 natives, one of ours being killed by an arrow. They came to
 +the houses, and took those masks and bells, and arms of the said king,
 +and 800 marks of gold. They set fire to the houses, and were there
 +ninety-six days, because the three ships that remained were sunk and went
 +to the bottom. Seeing this, they took out the provisions and stores,
 +and fortified themselves on shore with a very good tower. Every day
 +they fought with the Indians. At night they were within their enclosure,
 +and in the day they went out in order, and as much as they marched, so
 +much they acquired. But they did not dare to go out of their quarters.
 +One day they went to a lake, and began to wash the earth with certain
 +<​i>​vernicali</​i>,<​a href="#​note-138"​ name="​noteref-138"><​small>​ 138</​small></​a>​ each one in half an hour getting six, seven, or eight
 +<​i>​castellanos</​i>​ of gold. They were told by some of the Indian prisoners
 +that they need not tire themselves with washing, for that from there to
 +a very high mountain the distance was half a league, and that in a plain
 +near there was a river, where it is not necessary to wash much, for each
 +man in a day can gather ten marks of gold with little trouble. At length,
 +as lost men, without hope of returning home, they repaired the ships and
 +boats that were run up on the beach, eventually determining to return to
 +Spain. During the time of ninety-six days that they were there several
 +died from sickness, and there were forty-four survivors who were saved
 +with the help of God. They left ten men in the tower, supplied with
 +provisions and stores for a year, who were attacked three times by
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page61"​ name="​page61"></​a>​[61]</​span>​
 + ​Indians with their canoes, but were always victorious, and have come
 +safely here to the Court. I have seen all that gold and various things
 +that they have brought back; another kind of pepper, but larger than
 +ours, and nuts like nutmegs. They have also brought seventy pearls, all
 +good green ones, and some of ten and twelve carats, round, and like<a href="#​note-139"​ name="​noteref-139"><​small>​ 139</​small></​a>​
 +Indian pearls bored in the middle. They have also found and brought a
 +green stone like jasper, four fingers in length, and others worn on the
 +lips of the people. They are generally without beards.
 +The Archbishop intends to send the said two captains, with eight ships
 +and four hundred men, very well furnished with arms, artillery, etc.
 +<hr />
 +<​i>​Royal Letter of Naturalization in the Kingdoms of Castille and Leon
 +in favour of</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​Vespucci</​span>​.<​a href="#​note-140"​ name="​noteref-140"><​small>​ 140</​small></​a>​
 +Doña Juana by the Grace of God:&​mdash;​To do good and show grace to you,
 +Amerigo Vespucci, Florentine, in recognition of your fidelity and of
 +certain good service you have done, and which I expect that you will
 +do from henceforward,​ by this present I make you a native of these
 +my kingdoms of Castille and of Leon, and that you may be able to hold
 +any public offices that you may have been given or charged with, and
 +that you may be able to enjoy and may enjoy all the honours, favours,
 +and liberties, pre-eminences,​ prerogatives and immunities, and all other
 +things, and each one of them, which you would be able or would be bound
 +to have and enjoy if you were born in these kingdoms and lordships.
 +By this my letter, and by its duplicate signed by a public notary, I order
 +the most illustrious Prince Don Carlos, my very dear and well-beloved son,
 +and the Infants,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page62"​ name="​page62"></​a>​[62]</​span>​
 +                 ​Dukes,​ Prelates, Counts, Marquises, Ricos-Hombres,​
 +Masters of the Orders, those of my Council, the judges of my courts,
 +the magistrates of my house and court, the friars, commanders and
 +sub-commanders of the orders, governors of castles and forts, the
 +councillors,​ governors, assistant-governors,​ officers, knights, esquires,
 +and citizens of all my cities, towns, and villages of these my kingdoms
 +and lordships, and all others my subjects, of whatsoever condition,
 +pre-eminence,​ or dignity they be or may be, that they shall consider
 +you as a native of these my kingdoms and lordships, as if you had been
 +born and brought up in them, and leave you to hold such public and royal
 +offices and posts as may be given and entrusted to you, and such other
 +things as you shall have an interest in, the same as if you had been born
 +and bred in these kingdoms; and they shall maintain and cause to maintain
 +the said honours, favours, freedoms, liberties, exemptions, pre-eminences,​
 +prerogatives and immunities, and all other things, and each one of them,
 +that you may or ought to have and enjoy, being native of these the said my
 +kingdoms and lordships, and that neither on them nor on any part of them
 +shall they place, or consent to be placed, any impediment against you.
 +Thus I order that it shall be done, any laws or ordinances of these
 +my kingdoms to the contrary notwithstanding,​ as to which or to each
 +of them of my proper motion and certain knowledge, and absolute royal
 +power, such as I choose to use as Queen and Natural Lady of this part,
 +I dispense so far as they touch these presents, leaving them in force
 +and vigour for all other things henceforward.
 +Given in the city of Toro, on the 24th day of April, in the year of the
 +birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1505 years. I, the King.
 +I, Gaspar de Goicio, Licentiate Zapata, Licenciate Polanco.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page63"​ name="​page63"></​a>​[63]</​span></​p>​
 +<hr />
 +<​i>​Appointment of</​i>​ <span class="​sc">​Amerigo Vespucci</​span>​ <i>as Chief Pilot</​i>​.
 +Doña Juana:&​mdash;​Seeing that it has come to our notice, and that we have
 +seen by experience, that, owing to the pilots not being so expert as is
 +necessary, nor so well instructed in what they ought to know, so as to
 +be competent to rule and govern the ships that navigate in the voyage
 +over the Ocean Sea to our islands and mainland which we possess in the
 +Indies; and that through their default, either in not knowing how to
 +rule and govern, or through not knowing how to find the altitude by the
 +quadrant or astrolabe, nor the methods of calculating it, have happened
 +many disasters, and those who have sailed under their governance have
 +been exposed to great danger, by which our Lord has been ill-served, as
 +well as our finances, while the merchants who trade thither have received
 +much hurt and loss. And for a remedy to the above, and because it is
 +necessary, as well for that navigation as for other voyages by which,
 +with the help of our Lord, we hope to make new discoveries in other lands,
 +that there should be persons who are more expert and better instructed,
 +and who know the things necessary for such navigation, so that those
 +who are under them may go more safely, it is our will and pleasure, and
 +we order that all the pilots of our kingdoms and lordships, who are now
 +or shall hereafter be appointed as pilots in the said navigation to the
 +islands and mainland that we possess in the parts of the Indies, and in
 +other parts of the Ocean Sea, shall be instructed and shall know what
 +it is necessary for them to know respecting the quadrant and astrolabe,
 +in order that, by uniting theory with practice, they may be able to
 +make good use of them in the said voyages made to the said parts, and,
 +without such knowledge, no one shall go in the said ships as pilots,
 +nor receive pay
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page64"​ name="​page64"></​a>​[64]</​span>​
 +                as pilots, nor may the masters receive them on board ship,
 +until they have first been examined by you, Amerigo Despuchi, our Chief
 +Pilot, and they shall be given by you a certificate of examination
 +and approval touching the knowledge of each one. Holding the said
 +certificates,​ we order that they shall be taken and received as expert
 +pilots by whoever is shown them, for it is our pleasure that you shall
 +be examiner of the said pilots.
 +In order that those who have not the knowledge may more easily learn,
 +we order that you are to teach them, in your house in Seville, all
 +those things that they ought to know, you receiving payment for your
 +trouble. And as it may happen that now, in the beginning, there may be a
 +scarcity of passed pilots, and some ships may be detained for the want
 +of them, causing loss and harm to the citizens of the said islands, as
 +well as to merchants and other persons who trade thither, we order you,
 +the said Amerigo, and we give you licence that you may select the most
 +efficient pilots from among those who have been there, that for one or
 +two voyages, or for a certain period, they may supply what is necessary,
 +while those others acquire the knowledge that they have to learn, so
 +that there may be time for them to learn what is needed.
 +It is also reported to us that there are many charts, by different
 +masters, on which are delineated the lands and islands of the Indies, to
 +us belonging, which by our order have recently been discovered, and that
 +these charts differ very much one from another, as well in the routes
 +as in the delineations of coasts, which may cause much inconvenience. In
 +order that there may be uniformity, it is our pleasure, and we order that
 +there shall be made a general chart (<​i>​Padron General</​i>​),​ and that it may
 +be more accurate, we order our officers of the House of <​i>​Contratacion</​i>​
 +at Seville that they shall assemble all the ablest pilots that are to
 +be found in the country at the time, and that, in
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page65"​ name="​page65"></​a>​[65]</​span>​
 +                                                  the presence of you,
 +Amerigo Despuchi, our Chief Pilot, a <​i>​padron</​i>​ of all the lands and
 +islands of the Indies that have hitherto been discovered belonging to our
 +kingdoms and lordships shall be made; and that for it, after consulting
 +and reasoning with those pilots, and in accord with you, the said Chief
 +Pilot, a general <​i>​padron</​i>​ shall be constructed,​ which shall be called
 +the <​i>​Padron Real</​i>,​ by which all pilots shall be ruled and governed, and
 +that it shall be in the possession of the aforesaid our officers, and
 +of you, our Chief Pilot; and that no pilot shall use any other chart,
 +but only one which has been taken from the <​i>​Padron Real</​i>,​ on pain of a
 +fine of fifty <​i>​dobles</​i>​ towards the works of the House of <​i>​Contratacion</​i>​
 +of the Indies in the city of Seville.
 +We further order all the pilots of our kingdoms and lordships who,
 +from this time forward, shall go to the said our lands of the Indies,
 +discovered or to be discovered, that, when they find new lands, islands,
 +bays, or harbours, or anything else, that they make a note of them for
 +the said <​i>​Padron Real</​i>,​ and on arriving in Castille that they shall give
 +an account to you, the said our Chief Pilot, and to the officers of the
 +House of <​i>​Contratacion</​i>​ of Seville, that all may be delineated properly
 +on the said <​i>​Padron Real</​i>,​ with the object that navigators may be better
 +taught and made expert in navigation. We further order that none of
 +our pilots who navigate the Ocean Sea, from this time forward, shall
 +go without their quadrant and astrolabe and the rules for working them,
 +under the penalty that those who do not comply be rendered incompetent
 +to exercise the said employment during our pleasure, and they shall not
 +resume such employment without our special licence, paying a fine of
 +10,000 maravedis towards the works of the said House of <​i>​Contratacion</​i>​
 +at Seville. Amerigo Despuchi shall use and exercise the said office of
 +our Chief Pilot, and you are empowered to do so, and you shall do all
 +the things contained in this letter, and which
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page66"​ name="​page66"></​a>​[66]</​span>​
 +                                               ​appertain to the said
 +office; and by this our letter, and by its copy attested by the public
 +notary, we order the Prince Charles, our very dear and well-beloved
 +son, the Infantes, Dukes, Prelates, Counts, Marquises, Ricos-Hombres,​
 +Masters of Orders, Members of Council, and Judges of our Courts
 +and Chancelleries,​ and the other priors, commanders, sub-commanders,​
 +castellans of our castles and forts, the magistrates,​ officers of justice,
 +knights, esquires, officers, and good men of all the cities, towns,
 +and villages of our kingdoms and lordships, and all captains of ships,
 +master mariners, pilots, mates, and all other persons whom our letter
 +concerns or may concern, that you have and hold as our Chief Pilot,
 +and consent and allow him to hold the said office, and to do and comply
 +with all the things in this our letter or appertaining to it; and for
 +their accomplishment and execution give all the favour and help that is
 +needful for all that is here, and for each part of it; and that the above
 +may come to the knowledge of all, and that none may pretend ignorance,
 +we order that this our letter shall be read before the public notary,
 +in the markets and open spaces, and other accustomed places in the said
 +city of Seville, and in the city of Cadiz, and in all the other cities,
 +towns, and villages of these kingdoms and lordships; and if hereafter
 +any person or persons act against it, the said justices shall execute
 +upon them the penalties contained in this letter, so that the above
 +shall be observed and shall take effect without fail; and if the one or
 +the others do not so comply, they shall be subject to a fine of 10,000
 +maravedis for our chamber. Further we order the man to whom this letter
 +shall be shown, that he shall appear before us in our Court, wherever we
 +may be for fifteen following days under the said penalty, for which we
 +order whatever public notary may be called for this, shall give testimony
 +signed with his seal, that we may know that our order has been executed.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page67"​ name="​page67"></​a>​[67]</​span></​p>​
 +Given in the city of Valladolid, the 6th of August, in the year of the
 +birth of the Lord Jesus Christ, 1508. I, the King.
 +I, Lope Cunchillos, Secretary to the Queen our Lady, caused this to be
 +written by order of the King her father. Witnessed: The Bishop of
 +Palencia; Licentiate Ximenes.
 +<hr />
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page68"​ name="​page68"></​a>​[68]</​span></​p>​
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_4_0007"​ id="​h2H_4_0007"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +<p class="​center">​
 +<span class="​sc">​Chapter CXL.</​span>​
 +It is manifest that the Admiral Don Cristobal Colon was the first by
 +whom Divine Providence ordained that this, our great continent should
 +be discovered, and chose him for the instrument through whom all these
 +hitherto unknown Indies should be shown to the world. He saw it on
 +Wednesday, the 1st of August, one day after he discovered the island of
 +Trinidad, in the year of our salvation, 1498.<a href="#​note-141"​ name="​noteref-141"><​small>​ 141</​small></​a>​ He gave it the name
 +of Isla Santa, believing that it was an island. He then began to enter
 +the Gulf of La Bellena, by the entrance called the mouth of the Serpent
 +by him, finding all the water fresh, and it is this entrance which forms
 +the island of Trinidad, separating it from the mainland called Santa. On
 +the following Friday, being the 3rd of August, he discovered the point
 +of Paria, which he also believed to be an island, giving it the name of
 +Gracia. But all was mainland, as in due time appeared, and still more
 +clearly now is it known that here there is an immense continent.
 +It is well here to consider the injury and injustice which that Americo
 +Vespucio appears to have done to the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page69"​ name="​page69"></​a>​[69]</​span>​
 +                                     ​Admiral,​ or that those have done
 +who published his <​i>​Four Navigations</​i>,​ in attributing the discovery of
 +this continent to himself, without mentioning anyone but himself. Owing
 +to this, all the foreigners who write of these Indies in Latin, or in
 +their own mother-tongue,​ or who make charts or maps, call the continent
 +America, as having been first discovered by Americo.
 +For as Americo was a Latinist, and eloquent, he knew how to make use of
 +the first voyage he undertook, and to give the credit to himself, as
 +if he had been the principal captain of it. He was only one of those
 +who were with the captain, Alonso de Hojeda, either as a mariner, or
 +because, as a trader, he had contributed towards the expenses of the
 +expedition; but he secured notoriety by dedicating his <​i>​Navigations</​i>​
 +to King Rènè of Naples.<​a href="#​note-142"​ name="​noteref-142"><​small>​ 142</​small></​a>​ Certainly these <​i>​Navigations</​i>​ unjustly
 +usurp from the Admiral the honour and privilege of having been the first
 +who, by his labours, industry, and the sweat of his brow, gave to Spain
 +and to the world a knowledge of this continent, as well as of all the
 +Western Indies. Divine Providence reserved this honour and privilege
 +for the Admiral Don Cristobal Colon, and for no other. For this reason
 +no one can presume to usurp the credit, nor to give it to himself or
 +to another, without wrong, injustice, and injury committed against the
 +Admiral, and consequently without offence against God.
 +In order that this truth may be made manifest, I will here relate
 +truthfully, and impartially,​ the information on the subject which I
 +possess. To understand the matter it is necessary to bear in mind that
 +the Admiral left San Lucar, on his third voyage, on the 30th of May 1498,
 +and arrived at the Cape Verde Islands on the 27th of June. He sighted
 +the island of Trinidad on Tuesday, the 31st
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page70"​ name="​page70"></​a>​[70]</​span>​
 +                                            of July, and soon afterwards,
 +on Wednesday, the 1st of August, he saw the continent to the south of a
 +strait two leagues wide, between it and the island of Trinidad. He called
 +this strait the "mouth of the Serpent",​ and the mainland, believing it to
 +be an island, he named Isla Sancta. Presently, on the following Friday,
 +he sighted and discovered Paria, which he called Isla de Gracia, thinking
 +that it also was an island. An account of all these discoveries,​ with
 +a painted outline of the land, was sent by the Admiral to the Sovereigns.
 +This being understood, we shall now see when Americo Vespucio set out, and
 +with whom, to discover and trade in those parts. Those who may read this
 +history must know that, at that time, Alonso de Hojeda was in Castille,
 +when the account of the discovery and of the form of that land arrived,
 +which was sent by the Admiral to the Sovereigns. This report and map came
 +into the hands of the Bishop Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, afterwards
 +Bishop of Palencia, who had charge of all business connected with the
 +Indies from the beginning, and was then Archdeacon of Seville. The said
 +Alonso de Hojeda was a great favourite of the Bishop, and when the report
 +of the Admiral and the map arrived, Fonseca suggested to Hojeda to go and
 +make more discoveries in the same direction as the Admiral had taken. For
 +when the thread is discovered and placed in the hand, it is an easy
 +matter to reach the skein. Hojeda was aided by the information which the
 +Admiral had collected from the Indians when he served in the first voyage,
 +that there was a continent behind the lands and islands then reached. As
 +he had the favour and goodwill of the Bishop, he looked out for persons
 +who would fit out some ships, for he himself had not sufficient funds.
 +As he was known in Seville as a brave and distinguished man, he found,
 +either there, or perhaps at the port of Santa Maria, whence he sailed,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page71"​ name="​page71"></​a>​[71]</​span>​
 + some one who enabled him to fit out four ships. The Sovereigns gave
 +him his commission and instructions,​ and appointed him captain, for the
 +discovery and purchase of gold and pearls, a fifth being reserved as the
 +royal share, and to treat of peace and friendship with people he should
 +meet with during the expedition.
 +Thus the first who went to discover after the Admiral was no other than
 +Alonso de Hojeda. Those whom he took, and wanted to take in his company,
 +consisted of the sailors who were acquainted with the voyage to those
 +lands, who were none others but those who had come and gone with the
 +Admiral. Those were the principal mariners of the time. One of them
 +was Juan de la Cosa Biscayan,<​a href="#​note-143"​ name="​noteref-143"><​small>​ 143</​small></​a>​ who went with the Admiral when he
 +discovered this island, and was afterwards with him in the Cuba and
 +Jamaica discovery, the most laborious voyage up to that time. Hojeda also
 +took with him the pilot Bartolomé Roldan, who was well known in this
 +city of San Domingo, and who built, from their foundations,​ a great
 +number of the houses now standing in the four streets. He too had been
 +with the Admiral in his first voyage, and also in the discovery of Paria
 +and the mainland. Hojeda also took the said Americo, and I do not know
 +whether as pilot, or as a man instructed in navigation and learned in
 +cosmography. For it appears that Hojeda puts him among the pilots he
 +took with him.
 +I gather from the prologue he addressed to King Rènè of Naples, in the
 +book of his four <​i>​Navigations</​i>,​ that the said Americo was a merchant,
 +for so he confesses. Probably he contributed some money towards the
 +expenses of fitting-out the four ships, with the condition of receiving
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page72"​ name="​page72"></​a>​[72]</​span>​
 + a proportionate share of the profits. Although Americo asserts that the
 +King of Castille sent out the expedition, and that they went to discover
 +by his order, this is not true. Three or four, or ten, persons combined,
 +who were possessed of some money, and begged and even importuned the
 +Sovereigns for permission to go and discover and search, with the object
 +of promoting their own profits and interests. Thus Hojeda, owing to his
 +having got possession of the chart which the Admiral had sent home of
 +the mainland he had discovered, for the Sovereigns, and owing to his
 +having with him the pilots and mariners who had been with the Admiral,
 +came to discover the further part of the mainland, which will be described
 +in chapter 166.
 +It is a thing well known, and established by many witnesses, that Americo
 +went with Alonso de Hojeda, and that Hojeda went after the Admiral had
 +discovered the mainland. It is also proved by Alonso de Hojeda himself.
 +He was produced as a witness in favour of the Crown, when the Admiral Don
 +Diego Colon, next and legitimate successor of the Admiral Don Cristobal
 +Colon, had a lawsuit with the Crown for all the estate of which his father
 +had been dispossessed,​ as he was by the same cause. Alonso de Hojeda
 +testifies as follows, in his reply to the second question. He was asked "if
 +he knew that the Admiral Don Cristobal Colon had not discovered any part of
 +what is now called mainland, except when he once touched at the part called
 +Paria?"​ The answer of Hojeda was that the Admiral touched at the island
 +of Trinidad, and passed between that island and the "Boca del Drago",​
 +which is Paria, and that he sighted the island of Margarita. Being asked
 +how he knew this, he answered that he knew it because he, the witness,
 +saw the chart which the said Admiral sent to Castille, to the King and
 +Queen our Lords, of what he had discovered at that
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page73"​ name="​page73"></​a>​[73]</​span>​
 +                                                   time: and also because
 +he, the witness, soon afterwards went on his voyage of discovery,
 +and found that the Admiral'​s account of what he had discovered was
 +the truth. To the fifth question, which refers to what the same Hojeda
 +discovered himself beyond Paria, he replied as follows: "I was the first
 +to go on an exploring expedition after the discovery of the Admiral,
 +and I went first nearly 200 leagues to the south on the mainland, and
 +afterwards came to Paria, going out by the 'Boca del Drago'​. There I
 +ascertained that the Admiral had been at the island of Trinidad, bordering
 +on the 'Boca del Drago'​."​ Further on he says: "In the voyage which this
 +witness undertook, he took with him Juan de la Cosa and Americo Vespucio,
 +and other pilots."<​a href="#​note-144"​ name="​noteref-144"><​small>​ 144</​small></​a>​ Alonso de Hojeda says this, among other things,
 +in his deposition and statement.
 +Two things are thus proved by Hojeda himself. One is that he took
 +Americo with him, and the other that he undertook his voyage to the
 +mainland, after it had been discovered by the Admiral. The latter fact
 +is established beyond any doubt, namely, that the Admiral was the first
 +who discovered Paria, and that he was there before any other Christian
 +whatever was either there or on any other part of the mainland, nor had
 +any tidings of it. The Admiral Don Diego, his son, had proof of this
 +from sixty hearsay witnesses and twenty-five eye-witnesses,​ as is seen
 +by the records of the lawsuit, which I have not only seen but thoroughly
 +examined. It was also proved that it was owing to the Admiral having
 +first discovered these islands of the Indies, and afterwards Paria,
 +which is the mainland, before anyone else whatever, that the others had
 +the courage to follow his example and become discoverers.
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page74"​ name="​page74"></​a>​[74]</​span>​
 +                                                          It may be held
 +for certain that no one would have undertaken to go on voyages of
 +discovery, and that neither the Indies nor any part of them would have
 +been made known if the Admiral had not led the way. This is proved by
 +sixteen hearsay witnesses, by forty-one who believed it, by twenty who
 +knew it, and by thirteen who gave evidence that in their belief the
 +Admiral made his discoveries before anyone else whatever. Peter Martyr
 +also gives the same testimony in his first Decade, chapters 8 and 9. This
 +author deserves more credit than any of those who have written in Latin,
 +because he was in Castille at the time, and knew all the explorers, and
 +they were glad to tell him all they had seen and discovered, as a man
 +in authority; and because he made his inquiries with a view to writing,
 +as we mentioned in the prologue of the history.
 +Americo confesses in his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>​ that he arrived at Paria
 +during his first voyage, saying: "<​i>​Et provincia ipsa Parias</​i><​a href="#​note-145"​ name="​noteref-145"><​small>​ 145</​small></​a>​ <i>ab ipsis
 +nuncupata est.</​i>"​ Afterwards he made the second <​i>​Navigation</​i>,​ also with
 +Hojeda, as will appear in chapter 162.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page75"​ name="​page75"></​a>​[75]</​span></​p>​
 +Here it is important to note and make clear the error made by the world in
 +general respecting America. What I say is this: As no one had arrived at
 +nor seen Paria before the Admiral, and as the next explorer who arrived
 +was Hojeda, it follows that either Americo was with Hojeda, or came after
 +him. If he was with Hojeda, Hojeda was after the Admiral. The Admiral
 +left San Lucar on the 30th of May, and came in sight of Trinidad and the
 +mainland on the last day of July, and the 1st and 3rd of August, as has
 +been proved. How, therefore, can Americo say, without a perversion of
 +the truth, that he left Cadiz in his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>​ on the 20th of
 +May of the year of our salvation 1497? The falsehood is clear, and if the
 +statement was made by him in earnest, he committed a great infamy. Even
 +if it is not an intentional falsehood, it seems to be so; for he gives
 +himself an advantage of ten days as regards the Admiral, with reference
 +to the departure from Cadiz, for the Admiral left San Lucar on the 30th
 +of May, and Americo alleges that he departed from Cadiz on the 20th
 +of that month, and also usurps a year, for the Admiral sailed in 1498,
 +while Americo pretends that he set out on his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>​ in the
 +year 1497. It is true that there would seem to be a mistake, and not an
 +intentional fraud in this, for Americo says that his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>​
 +occupied eighteen months, and at the end he asserts that the date of
 +his return to Cadiz was the 15th of October 1499. If he left Cadiz on
 +the 20th of May 1497, the voyage occupied twenty-nine months: seven in
 +the year 1497, all the year 1498, and ten months in the year 1499. It
 +is possible that 1499 may be a misprint for 1498<a href="#​note-146"​ name="​noteref-146"><​small>​ 146</​small></​a>​ in treating of
 +the return to Castille, and if this was so, there can be no
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page76"​ name="​page76"></​a>​[76]</​span>​
 +                                                             doubt that
 +the fraud was intentional. This fraud or mistake, whichever it may
 +have been, and the power of writing and narrating well and in a good
 +style, as well as Americo'​s silence respecting the name of his captain,
 +which was Hojeda, and his care to mention no one but himself, and his
 +dedication to King Renè, these things have led foreign writers to name
 +our mainland <span class="​sc">​America</​span>,​ as if Americo alone, and not another with him, had
 +made the discovery before all others. It is manifest what injustice he
 +did if he intentionally usurped what belonged to another, namely, to the
 +Admiral Don Cristobal Colon, and with what good reason this discovery,
 +and all its consequences,​ should belong to the Admiral, after the goodness
 +and providence of God, which chose him for this work. As it belongs more
 +to him, the said continent ought to be called Columba, after Colon, or
 +Columbo, who discovered it, or else "​Sancta"​ or "De Gracia",​ the names
 +he himself gave it, and not America after Americo.
 +<hr />
 +<span class="​sc">​Chapter CLXIV.</​span>​
 +The Admiral sent five ships<a href="#​note-147"​ name="​noteref-147"><​small>​ 147</​small></​a>​ with the news of the discovery of the
 +mainland of Paria, and of the pearls. Alonso de Hojeda was then in
 +Spain. I believe myself that he
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page77"​ name="​page77"></​a>​[77]</​span>​
 +                                returned at the same time as my uncle,
 +Francisco de Penalosa, knowing that the Admiral had discovered that
 +land and the pearls, and having seen the chart of the new discoveries
 +which the Admiral had sent to the Sovereigns, and that the Admiral said
 +in his letters that it was an island, although he was also inclined to
 +the belief that it was a continent; and being favoured by the Bishop of
 +Badajos, Don Juan de Fonseca, who superintended and managed everything,
 +Hojeda petitioned that he might have licence to discover in those parts
 +either continent, or islands, or whatever he might find. The Bishop
 +gave the licence, signed with his own signature, and not with that of
 +the Sovereign, either because the Sovereigns ordered him to grant such
 +licences, or this one only, which is hard to believe; or because he
 +wished to make the grant of his own authority, and without giving the
 +Sovereigns a share in the matter, the Admiral having complained to the
 +Sovereigns in the year 1495 that it was in opposition to his privileges
 +to give a licence to anyone to undertake discoveries.... I do not see
 +how the Bishop was able to grant the licence in the way he did. But I
 +quite see that as he was a very determined and obstinate man, and was
 +hostile to the Admiral'​s interests, he may have taken this step actuated
 +by his own audacity, and without consulting the Sovereigns. This is
 +possible, but still I doubt it; for, although he was very intimate with
 +the Sovereigns, this was hardly a thing that he would have dared to do
 +on his own authority. The licence was granted with the limitations that
 +it did not include the territory of the King of Portugal, nor the lands
 +discovered by the Admiral up to the year 1495. Another question arises
 +here: Why was not the land excepted which the Admiral had just discovered,
 +and which was identified by the letters and the chart he had sent to
 +the Sovereigns? To this I cannot give an answer.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page78"​ name="​page78"></​a>​[78]</​span></​p>​
 +That the licence was only signed by the said Bishop, and not by the
 +Sovereigns, there can be no doubt, for Francisco Roldan saw it, and so
 +described it to the Admiral, and I saw Roldan'​s original letter, as I
 +will presently mention.
 +Hojeda having obtained the licence, he found persons in Seville who would
 +fit out four caravels or ships, for there were many who were eager to
 +go and discover by means of the thread which the Admiral had put into
 +their hands. For he was the first who opened the gates of that Ocean Sea,
 +which had been closed for so many ages.
 +Hojeda set out from the port of Santa Maria or of Cadiz in the month of
 +May. If Americo Vespucio does not speak contrary to the truth as regards
 +the day of the month, he does so as regards the year. The date of Hojeda'​s
 +departure was the 20th of May 1499, not 1497, as Americo says, usurping
 +the honour and glory which belongs to the Admiral, and assuming the whole
 +for himself alone, wishing to give the world to understand that he was the
 +first discoverer of the mainland of Paria, and not the Admiral, to whom
 +is justly and rightfully due all the discovery of all these islands and
 +mainland of the Indies, as has already been proved in chapter 140. In
 +that chapter I endeavoured to leave it doubtful whether Americo had,
 +with intention, tacitly denied that this discovery was made first by
 +the Admiral, and had given the credit of it to himself alone. For I had
 +not then seen what I afterwards gathered from those writings of Americo,
 +and from other writings of those times in my possession, or which I have
 +found. From these I conclude that it was a most false and dishonest thing
 +on the part of Americo to wish to usurp against justice the honour due to
 +the Admiral. The proof of this falsehood is made clear from the evidence
 +of Americo himself, in this way. We will assume what has already been
 +proved in chapter 140, namely:&​mdash;​First,​ the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page79"​ name="​page79"></​a>​[79]</​span>​
 +                                           ​testimony of such a multitude
 +of witnesses who knew that the Admiral was the first who discovered
 +the mainland of Paria, and consequently no one reached any part of
 +the mainland before him, this being also affirmed by Peter Martyr in
 +the third and ninth chapters of his first Decade; and Hojeda himself,
 +in his deposition, also testified, being unable to deny it, saying
 +that after he had seen the chart in Castille he went to discover, and
 +found that the Admiral had previously arrived at Paria and gone out
 +by the Boca del Drago. Secondly, Americo went with Hojeda, either as
 +a pilot or as one who knew something of the sea, for he is mentioned
 +jointly with Juan de la Cosa and other pilots; or perhaps he went as
 +an adventurer, contributing part of the expenses and having a share
 +in the profits. Thirdly, we refer to what Americo confesses in his
 +first <​i>​Navigation</​i>,​ which is, that he reached a place called Paria by
 +the Indian natives; also, that in a certain part or province of the
 +coast of the mainland, or in an island where they made war, the Indians
 +wounded twenty-two men and killed one. Now this happened in 1499, as I
 +shall presently prove. What we say is this: The Admiral was the first
 +who discovered the mainland and Paria, Hojeda was the first after the
 +Admiral, and Americo, who went with Hojeda, confesses that they arrived
 +at Paria. The Admiral left San Lucar on the 30th of May 1498; presently,
 +Hojeda and Americo left Cadiz in the following year, 1499. If the Admiral
 +left San Lucar on the 30th of May, and Hojeda and Americo sailed from
 +Cadiz on the 20th of May, and the Admiral departed first, it is clear
 +that the departure of Hojeda and Americo could not have been in that
 +year of 1498, but in the following year of 1499. Even if it can be said
 +that Hojeda and Americo may have departed first on the 20th of May of
 +the same year of 1498 that the Admiral sailed, still the statement of
 +Americo would be false, for he said that he departed in 1497. Now there
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page80"​ name="​page80"></​a>​[80]</​span>​
 +   no doubt that Hojeda and Americo neither departed in 1497 nor in 1498,
 +but in 1499, and it is, therefore, demonstrated that it was not Americo
 +who first discovered the mainland of Paria, nor anyone else but the
 +Admiral. This is confirmed by what was shown in chapter 140, that Hojeda,
 +in his deposition when he was called as a witness before the Fiscal, said
 +that after he had seen the chart of the land discovered by the Admiral,
 +when he was in Castille, he went on a voyage of discovery himself,
 +and found that the land was as it had been correctly laid down on the
 +chart. Now the Admiral sent this chart with a report to the Sovereigns in
 +the year 1498; on the 18th of October the said ships left Navidad, and my
 +father was on board one of them. Afterwards Hojeda and Americo sailed on
 +the 20th of May, as Americo himself writes, and this can only have been in
 +the following year, 1499. This is confirmed by another reason. The Admiral
 +was informed by the Christians who were in the province of Yaquimo that
 +Hojeda had arrived at the land called Brasil on the 5th of September,
 +and the Admiral wrote to this effect to the Sovereigns by the ships
 +in which the Procurators of the Admiral and of Roldan went home. This
 +was in the year 1499, at the time when Francisco Roldan and his company
 +were about to be, or had been, induced to yield obedience to the Admiral.
 +This was the first voyage that Americo made with Hojeda. It is, therefore,
 +clear that neither Hojeda nor Americo can have left Cadiz in 1497, but
 +they must have sailed in 1499. That this was the first voyage made by
 +Hojeda and Americo in search of the mainland appears from two reasons
 +which have already been mentioned as being given by Americo himself in
 +his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>​. One is, that they arrived at a land called by
 +the natives Paria, and the other that the Indians wounded twenty-two men
 +and killed one in a certain island. This latter fact was told to Francisco
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page81"​ name="​page81"></​a>​[81]</​span>​
 + ​Roldan by Hojeda'​s people when the same Roldan went on board the ships
 +of Hojeda. The Admiral sent him as soon as he was informed that Hojeda
 +had reached the land of Brasil.<​a href="#​note-148"​ name="​noteref-148"><​small>​ 148</​small></​a>​
 +Francisco Roldan wrote to the Admiral from thence these, among other
 +words which I saw in the handwriting of Francisco Roldan, his handwriting
 +being well known to me. The letter begins as follows:&​mdash;"​I make known
 +to your Lordship that I arrived where Hojeda was on Sunday the 29th of
 +September,"​ etc., and he goes on: "this being so, my Lord, I went on board
 +the caravels, and found in them Juan Velasquez and Juan Vizcaino,<​a href="#​note-149"​ name="​noteref-149"><​small>​ 149</​small></​a>​
 +who showed me a concession made to him for the discovery of new countries,
 +signed by the Lord Bishop, by which he was granted permission to make
 +discoveries in these parts so long as he did not touch the territory
 +of the King of Portugal, nor the territory which had been discovered
 +by your Lordship up to the year 1495. They made discoveries in the land
 +which your Lordship recently discovered. He says that they sailed along
 +the coast for 600 leagues, where they encountered people who fought with
 +them, wounding twenty and killing one. In some places they landed and
 +were received with great honour, and in others the natives would not
 +consent to their landing."​
 +These are the words of Francisco Roldan to the Admiral. Americo, in
 +his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>,​ says:&​mdash;"​But one of our people was killed and
 +twenty-two wounded, all recovering their health by the help of God."
 +The same Americo also relates that Hojeda and himself arrived at the
 +island Española, as will appear presently. It appears clearly from the
 +evidence of the said Americo, and the agreement of his statement with
 +what his companions told to Francisco Roldan, that they had twenty or
 +twenty-two wounded
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page82"​ name="​page82"></​a>​[82]</​span>​
 +                   and one killed, and this was during his first voyage.
 +It also appears from both that they went to and saw Paria, and the coast
 +newly discovered by the Admiral. If this was the first voyage of Americo,
 +and he came to this island in the year 1499, on the 5th of September,
 +having left Cadiz on the 20th of May of the same year, 1499, as has been
 +distinctly shown, it follows that Americo has falsely stated that he left
 +Cadiz in the year 1497. This is also shown by what the Admiral wrote to
 +the Sovereigns when he knew that Hojeda had sailed five months before,
 +in May. He wrote as follows:&​mdash;"​Hojeda arrived at the port where the
 +brasil is, five days ago. These sailors say that as the time is so short
 +since his departure from Castille, he cannot have discovered land, but
 +he may well have got a lading of brasil before it could be prohibited,
 +and as he has done, so may other interlopers."​ These are the words of
 +the Admiral, and I have seen them in his own handwriting. He intended
 +to explain that little land could have been discovered in five months,
 +and that, if he had not sent Francisco Roldan to prohibit the ships
 +from taking a cargo of brasil, they might easily have done so and have
 +departed, and that the same might be done by any other stranger, unless
 +steps were taken to prevent it.
 +All these proofs, taken from the letters of the Admiral and of Roldan,
 +cannot be disputed, because they are most certainly authentic, and no
 +doubt can be thrown on any of them. For no one then could tell that this
 +matter would be alleged and brought forward, seeing that during fifty-six
 +or fifty-seven years what was written told a different story, which was
 +the truth, nor was there anything to conceal.
 +But what Americo has written to make himself famous and give himself
 +credit, tacitly usurping the discovery of the continent which belongs
 +to the Admiral, was done
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page83"​ name="​page83"></​a>​[83]</​span>​
 +                         with intention. This is shown by many arguments
 +given in this chapter and in chapter 140. But besides these verbal proofs,
 +I desire to submit others which make the thing most manifest. One is that
 +he inverted the voyages he made, applying the first to the second, and
 +making out that things which belonged to one happened in the other. He
 +asserts that in the first voyage they were absent eighteen months,
 +and this is not possible, for after being absent from Castille for
 +five months they came to this island, and they could not have returned
 +again to the mainland to coast along it for such a distance, owing to
 +contrary winds and currents, except with great difficulty and after
 +a long time. Thus his voyage to the continent only took five months,
 +within which time he arrived here, as has been already explained, and
 +as Hojeda told some of the Spaniards who were here, before he left this
 +island. He then made an inroad on some of the surrounding islands, seizing
 +some of the natives and carrying them off to Castille. According to the
 +statement of Americo, they took 222 slaves, and this occurs at the end of
 +his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>​. "And we, following the way to Spain, at length
 +arrived at the port of Cadiz with 222 captured persons,"​ etc. Another
 +statement is that certain injuries and violences done by Hojeda and his
 +followers against the Indians and Spaniards in Xaragua in his first
 +voyage is placed by Americo at the end of his second <​i>​Navigation</​i>​. He
 +there says: "We departed, and, for the sake of obtaining many things of
 +which we were in need, we shaped a course for the island of Antiglia,
 +being that which Christopher Columbus discovered a few years ago. Here
 +we took many supplies on board, and remained two months and seventeen
 +days. Here we endured many dangers and troubles from the same Christians
 +who were in this island with Columbus. I believe this was caused by envy,
 +but, to avoid prolixity, I will refrain from recounting
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page84"​ name="​page84"></​a>​[84]</​span>​
 +                                                         what happened."​
 +The Portuguese then called this island of Española Antilla, and this
 +Americo used the word Antiglia, because he was writing in Lisbon. In the
 +following chapter I will explain what these troubles from the Spaniards
 +were, and what caused them, which he excuses himself from dwelling upon
 +in order to avoid prolixity. It will then be clearly seen that they
 +happened during his first voyage.
 +Another point is that they arrived at this island on the 5th of September,
 +as he said, and that they remained, according to him, for two months
 +and two days&​mdash;​that is, all September and October, and two more days of
 +November. He there says that they left this island on the 22nd of July
 +and arrived at the port of Cadiz on the 8th of September. All this is
 +most false. The same may be said of the dates of all the years, months,
 +and days which Americo gives in his <​i>​Navigations</​i>​. It thus appears that
 +he designedly wished to take the glory and renown of the discovery of the
 +continent, even keeping silence respecting the name of his own captain,
 +Alonso de Hojeda, and tacitly usurping, as has been said, the honour and
 +glory which belongs to the Admiral for this famous deed, deceiving the
 +world by writing in Latin, and to the King Renè of Naples, there being no
 +one to resist or expose his claim out of Spain, those who then knew the
 +truth being kept in ignorance. I am surprised that Don Hernando Colon,
 +son of the same Admiral, and a person of good judgment and ability, and
 +having in his possession these same <​i>​Navigations</​i>​ of Americo, as I know,
 +did not take notice of this injury and usurpation which Americo Vespucio
 +did to his most illustrious father.
 +<hr />
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page85"​ name="​page85"></​a>​[85]</​span></​p>​
 +<span class="​sc">​Chapter CLXV.</​span>​
 +There remains the demonstrations,​ now proved in detail, of the industrious
 +contrivance of Americo Vespucio, not at first easily conceived, as I
 +believe, but thought out at some subsequent time, by which he attributed
 +to himself the discovery of the greater part of that Indian world, when God
 +had conceded that privilege to the Admiral. Now it is proper to continue
 +the history of what happened to Alonso de Hojeda, with whom Americo went
 +on his first voyage. He departed from the port of Cadiz with four ships,
 +in the month of May. Juan de la Cosa, with all the experience acquired in
 +his voyages with the Admiral, went as pilot, and there were other pilots
 +and persons who had served in the said voyages. Americo also embarked,
 +as has already been mentioned in chap. 140, either as a merchant, or as
 +one versed in cosmography and studies relating to the sea. They sailed in
 +May, according to Americo, but not, as he says, in the year 1497, the true
 +date being 1499, as has already been sufficiently proved. Their course was
 +directed towards the west, to the Canary Islands, then southward. After
 +twenty-seven days<a href="#​note-150"​ name="​noteref-150"><​small>​ 150</​small></​a>​ (according to the said Americo) they came in
 +sight of land, which they believed to be continental,​ and they were not
 +deceived. Having come to the nearest land, they anchored at a distance
 +of about a league from the shore, from fear of striking on some sunken
 +rock. They got out the boats, put arms into them, and reached the beach,
 +where they saw an immense number of naked people. They received them with
 +great joy. But the Indians looked on with astonishment,​ and presently ran
 +away to the nearest forest. The Christians approached them with signs
 +of peace and friendship,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page86"​ name="​page86"></​a>​[86]</​span>​
 +                         but they would not trust the strangers. As the
 +Christians had anchored in an open roadstead, and not in a port, wishing
 +to be out of danger if bad weather came on, they weighed, and stood
 +along the coast to seek for a port, all the shore being crowded with
 +people. After two days they found a good port. (<​i>​Las Casas then quotes
 +the account of the natives given by Americo Vespucci, respecting which
 +he makes the following comments.</​i>​) Americo relates all these things in
 +his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>,​ many of which he could not have known in two,
 +nor three, nor in ten days that he may have been among the Indians,
 +not knowing a single word of their language, as he himself confesses.
 +Such are the statements, that owing to the heat of the sun they move from
 +place to place every eight years; that when the women are enraged with
 +their husbands they create abortions; that they have no rule or order
 +in their marriages; that they have neither king nor lord nor chief in
 +their wars; and others of the same kind. Therefore we can only believe
 +those statements which are based on what he actually saw or might see,
 +such as what the natives ate and drank, that they went naked, that they
 +were of such and such colour, were great swimmers, and other external
 +acts. The rest appears to be all fiction.
 +<hr />
 +<span class="​sc">​Chapter CLXVI.</​span>​
 +They left these people and proceeded along the coast, often landing
 +and having intercourse with different tribes, until they arrived at a
 +port where, as they entered, they saw a town built over the water like
 +Venice. Americo says that it contained twenty very large houses, built,
 +like the others he had seen, in the shape of a bell, and raised on very
 +strong piles. At the doors of the houses they had drawbridges,​ by which,
 +as if they were streets, they went
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page87"​ name="​page87"></​a>​[87]</​span>​
 +                                   from one house to another. (<​i>​Las Casas
 +then gives the account of the encounter with the natives of this town on
 +piles, just as it is given by Vespucci.</​i>​) They made sail from this port,
 +and proceeded for eighty leagues along the coast; and this was the land
 +of Paria discovered by the Admiral, as has already been shown. Here they
 +found another people, with very different customs and language. They
 +anchored and got into their boats to go on shore, where they found over
 +4,000 natives on the beach. The Indians were so frightened that they
 +did not wait, but fled to the mountains. The Christians having landed,
 +followed a path, and came to many huts, which they believed were those
 +of fishermen. Here they found fish of various kinds, and also one of the
 +<​i>​iguanas</​i>​ which I have already described, and which astonished them,
 +for they thought it was some very fierce serpent. The bread eaten by
 +these people, says Americo, was made with fish steeped in hot water,
 +and afterwards pounded. From this mass small loaves were kneaded and
 +baked, making very good bread, in his judgment. They found many kinds
 +of fruits and herbs; but they not only took nothing, but left many small
 +things from Castille in the huts, in the hope that thus the fears of the
 +natives would be dispelled, and the Spaniards then returned to the ships.
 +(<​i>​Las Casas here inserts the account given by Vespucci of a journey
 +inland, and of intercourse with these natives.</​i>​) Americo then says that
 +the land was populous, and also full of many different animals, few being
 +like those of Spain. He mentions lions, bears, deer, pigs, wild goats,
 +which had a certain deformity, and were unlike ours. But in truth I do
 +not believe that he saw either lions or bears, because lions are very
 +rare, and there cannot have been so many as that he should see them;
 +and the same remark applies to bears. No one who has been to the Indies
 +has even seen goats there, nor can I understand how he can have seen
 +the difference between deer and goats
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page88"​ name="​page88"></​a>​[88]</​span>​
 +                                      nor how he can have seen pigs,
 +there being none in those parts. Deer he may well have seen, as there
 +are many on the mainland. He says there are no horses, mules, asses,
 +cows, nor sheep, nor dogs, and here he tells the truth, although there
 +is a kind of dog in some parts. He says that there is great abundance
 +of other wild animals of various kinds, but if they were not rabbits he
 +could have little true evidence of having seen them. Of birds of different
 +plumage and species he says that he saw many; and this I believe, for
 +there is an infinite number. He says that the region is pleasant and
 +fertile, full of woods and great forests, which consist of evergreens,
 +yielding fruits of many sorts; and all this is also true.
 +He then repeats that many people came to see the whiteness and persons
 +of the Spaniards. (I do not know whether he is speaking of this same
 +land, as it would seem, or of another, for he appears to confuse his
 +account here with what he had said before, that they had to depart that
 +night.) He tells us that the natives asked whence the Spaniards came,
 +and they replied that they had come down from heaven to see the things of
 +the earth, which the Indians undoubtedly believed. Here the Christians
 +committed a great sacrilege, thinking to make an agreeable offering to
 +God. As they saw the natives so gentle, meek, and tractable, although
 +neither could understand a single word of what the other said, and
 +therefore the Spaniards could not teach the Indians any doctrine, yet,
 +says Americo, they baptized an infinite number; whence it appears how
 +little Americo, and those who were with him, appreciated the practice
 +of the sacraments and the reverence that is due to them, nor even the
 +disposition and frame of mind with which they should be received. It is
 +manifest that those Christians, in baptizing the natives, committed a
 +great offence against God. Americo says that after they were baptized,
 +the Indians used the word <​i>​charaybi</​i>,​ which
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page89"​ name="​page89"></​a>​[89]</​span>​
 +                                            means that they called the
 +Spaniards men of great knowledge. This statement is a thing to laugh at,
 +for the Spaniards did not even know the Indian names for bread or for
 +water, which are among the first that we learn in acquiring a language;
 +yet during the few days they remained Americo wants us to believe that he
 +understood that <​i>​charaybi</​i>​ signifies men of great knowledge. Here Americo
 +declares that the natives called this land <​i>​Paria</​i>;​ and he conceals,
 +what he must have known, that the Admiral had already been there several
 +days, which was a reason for not remaining silent.
 +<hr />
 +<span class="​sc">​Chapter CLXVII.</​span>​
 +They decided upon leaving this port and the sweetwater gulf formed by the
 +island of Trinidad and the mainland of Paria by the "Boca del Drago",​
 +and I suspect that, as this was a place which was notoriously discovered
 +by the Admiral, Americo kept silence as to the name of "Boca del Drago"
 +intentionally. For it is certain that Hojeda and Americo were within
 +this port, because the same Hojeda gave evidence to that effect on
 +oath, as well as many other witnesses also on oath, as is affirmed in
 +the evidence taken by the Fiscal. Here Americo says that the voyage
 +had now lasted thirteen months, but I do not believe it. Even if he
 +tells the truth as regards the number of months, this must have been
 +in the second voyage, which he afterwards made with the same Hojeda, as
 +I think must be understood, and not in this first voyage, as is shown,
 +for many reasons already set forth, and for others which will hereafter
 +be given. Finally departing from Paria, they proceeded along the coast
 +and arrived at Margarita, an island sighted by the Admiral and named by
 +him Margarita, although he did not stop there. Hojeda
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page90"​ name="​page90"></​a>​[90]</​span>​
 +                                                      landed and walked
 +over part of it, as he himself says, and those same witnesses who were
 +with them also say that he arrived there, though they neither deny nor
 +affirm that he landed; but there need be no doubt of it, for it is a
 +pleasant island. This, however, little affects the question. It may be
 +believed that they here bartered for pearls, although he does not say
 +so, for other discoverers who came after him traded at the island of
 +Margarita. Hojeda extended his journey to the province and gulf called
 +Cuquibacoa in the language of the Indians, which is now named Venezuela
 +in our language, and thence to Cabo de la Vela, where they now fish for
 +pearls. He gave it that name of Cabo de la Vela, which it still retains;
 +and a row of islands running east and west was discovered, some of which
 +were called the Islands of the Giants.
 +Thus had Hojeda coasted the mainland for 400 leagues, 200 to the east of
 +Paria, where he sighted the first land, and this was the only land that
 +he and those with him discovered. Paria and Margarita were discovered
 +by the Admiral, as well as a great part of the said 200 leagues from
 +Margarita to Cabo de la Vela, for the Admiral saw the chain of mountains
 +to the westward as he sailed along, so that all this discovery is due
 +to him. For it does not follow that, in order to be the discoverer of a
 +land or island, a navigator must have passed along the whole of it. For
 +instance, it is clear that the island of Cuba was personally discovered
 +by the Admiral, and for this it is not necessary that he should have gone
 +into every corner of it; and the same remark applies to Española and
 +the other islands, and also to the mainland, however large it may be,
 +and however far it may extend, the Admiral discovered it. From this
 +it appears that Americo exaggerated when he said that in his first
 +<​i>​Navigation</​i>​ they sailed along the coast for 860 leagues. This is not
 +true, as is proved by the confession of Hojeda, a man who had no desire
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page91"​ name="​page91"></​a>​[91]</​span>​
 + to lose anything of his own glory and rights, for he said, as appeared
 +in chapter 140, that he discovered 200 leagues beyond Paria, and the
 +coast from Paria to Cuquibacoa, which is now Venezuela. I have added as
 +far as Cabo de la Vela, because I found it so deposed in the process by
 +several witnesses who afterwards knew all that land well, had intercourse
 +with the discoverers,​ and went with them in their voyages of discovery,
 +though not in that voyage of Hojeda; but the testimony was given when the
 +events were recent, and consequently well known. Hojeda himself did not
 +mention Cabo de la Vela, because it is near the Gulf of Venezuela, and
 +is all one land; and of the gulf and province he made principal mention,
 +as a thing notable and important, and called by the natives Cuquibacoa.
 +Along all this land or sea-coast traversed by Hojeda, Americo, and
 +his company, they got gold and pearls by barter and exchange, but the
 +quantity is not known, nor the deeds they perpetrated in the land.
 +Having left Margarita, they went to Cumanà and Maracapana, which are
 +respectively seven and twenty leagues from Margarita. There are people
 +on the sea-shore, and before reaching Cumanà there is a gulf where the
 +water of the sea forms a great angle extending fourteen leagues into the
 +land, round which there are numerous and populous tribes. The first,
 +nearly at the mouth of the bay, is Cumanà. A large river falls into the
 +sea near the village, in which there are numbers of the creatures we
 +call <​i>​lagartos</​i>,​ but they are nothing more than the crocodiles of the
 +river Nile. As they were under the necessity of refitting the ships,
 +they being defective for so long a voyage as a return to Spain, and
 +also being in want of provisions, they arrived at a port which Americo
 +calls the best in the world. But he does not say where it was, nor does
 +he mention Hojeda. According to what I remember forty-three years after
 +having been there,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page92"​ name="​page92"></​a>​[92]</​span>​
 +                   and over fifty years since the voyage of Hojeda, I
 +suspect that it must be a gulf called Cariaco, which runs fourteen leagues
 +into the land, the entrance being seven leagues from Margarita, on the
 +mainland near Cumanà. Further, it occurs to me that I heard that at
 +that time Hojeda entered and repaired his ships, and built a brigantine
 +in the port called Maracapana, but this, though a port, is not the best
 +in the world.
 +At last they left the port, wherever it may have been, within those 200
 +leagues of mainland from Paria onwards. They were received and served by
 +the people of that region, who were innumerable,​ according to Americo,
 +as if they had been angels from heaven, and as Abraham had known the
 +three, so they were recognised as angels. They unloaded the ships and
 +brought them to land, always helped by the labour of the Indians. They
 +careened and cleared them, and built a new brigantine. They say that
 +during all the time that they were there, which was thirty-seven days,
 +they never had any need of touching their Castillian provisions, because
 +they were supplied with deer, fish, native bread, and other food; and
 +if they had not been so provided, says Americo, they would have been in
 +great distress for provisions in returning to Spain. During all the time
 +they were there they went on shore among the villages, in which they
 +were received with hospitality,​ honour, and festivity. This is certain
 +(as will be seen further on in the course of the history, if it please the
 +all-powerful God), that all these people of the Indies, being by nature
 +most simple and kind, know well how to serve and please those who come
 +to them, when they look upon them as friends. When after having repaired
 +their ships and built the brigantine they determined to return to Spain,
 +Americo here says that their hosts made great complaints of another cruel
 +and ferocious tribe, inhabiting an island at a distance of
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page93"​ name="​page93"></​a>​[93]</​span>​
 +                                                           100 leagues;
 +saying that they came at a certain time of the year over the sea, to
 +make war, and that they carried off their captives, killing and eating
 +them. They showed their grief with so much feeling and persistency,​
 +says Americo, that it moved us to compassion, and we offered to avenge
 +them. This made them rejoice greatly, says Americo, and they said they
 +would like to go also. But the Christians, for many reasons, would only
 +consent that seven natives should accompany them, on condition that they
 +should not be taken back to their country in the ships, but that they
 +should return in their own canoes, and to this, he says, both parties
 +consented. I do not know what interpreter made these agreements, nor who
 +understood all that was said, but it is obvious that they could not have
 +known the language in thirty-seven days. And how could Hojeda and Americo,
 +and those of their company, know whether the islanders had just cause
 +for war or not? Were these men so certain of the justice of the natives
 +that, without further delay, merely because they made complaints, they
 +offered to avenge them? Pray God that they did not make this war to fill
 +up their ships with natives, with a view to selling them for slaves, as
 +they afterwards did in Cadiz; work too often done by our people against
 +these unfortunate tribes and lands. They set out, and after seven days
 +they came upon numerous islands, some peopled and others uninhabited,​ says
 +Americo, at last arriving at their destination. These islands cannot be
 +others than those we reach in coming from Spain, such as Dominica and
 +Guadalupe, and the others that lie in that line. Presently they saw,
 +he says, a great crowd of people, who, when they saw the ships and the
 +boats approaching the shore well armed with guns, sent a body of 400 to
 +the water'​s edge, with many women, naked and armed with bows and arrows
 +and shields, and all painted in different colours, and adorned
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page94"​ name="​page94"></​a>​[94]</​span>​
 +                                                                with wings
 +and feathers of large birds, so that they appeared very warlike and
 +fierce. When the boats had approached to the distance of a cross-bow
 +shot, they advanced into the water, and discharged a great number of
 +arrows to prevent their advance. The Christians discharged the firearms
 +and killed many of them, and fearing the discharge and the firing, they
 +left the water and came on shore. A body of forty-two men then landed
 +from the boats and attacked them. The natives did not fly, but stood their
 +ground manfully, and fought valiantly like lions, defending themselves and
 +their country. They fought for two long hours, first with their guns and
 +cross-bows, and afterwards with their swords and lances, killing many;
 +and that they might not all perish, those of the natives who were able,
 +fled into the woods. Thus the Christians remained victorious, and they
 +returned to their ships with great joy at having sent so many people to
 +hell who had never offended them. On another day, in the morning, they
 +saw a great multitude of natives, making the air resound with horns and
 +trumpets, painted and armed for a second battle.
 +The Christians determined to send fifty-seven men against them, divided
 +into four companies, each with a captain, intending, says Americo, to make
 +friends with them if possible, but if not, to treat them as enemies, and
 +to make slaves of as many as they could take. This is said by Americo,
 +and it is to be noted here how he makes a pretext of truth and justice
 +and legality, when the Spaniards had promised to go a hundred leagues on a
 +message of war and vengeance. Yet they would come to treat of friendship
 +with the natives, seeking occasion to gratify their covetousness,​ which
 +was what they came for from Castille. Such are the pretexts and unworthy
 +artifices that have always been used for the destruction of these natives.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page95"​ name="​page95"></​a>​[95]</​span></​p>​
 +They went on shore, but the Indians, owing to the fire from the guns,
 +did not venture to oppose their landing, yet they awaited them with great
 +steadiness. The naked men fought against the clothed men with great valour
 +for a long time, but the clothed made a fearful slaughter among the naked
 +men, the swords taking great effect on their naked bodies. The survivors
 +fled when they saw that they were being cut to pieces. The Christians
 +pursued them to a village, capturing all they could, to the number of
 +twenty-five. They returned with their victory, but with the loss of one
 +killed and twenty-two wounded. They then sent away the seven natives who
 +had come with them from the mainland. They departed, says Americo, taking
 +with them as prisoners seven natives given to them by the Spaniards,
 +three men and four women, as their captives, and they were very joyful,
 +admiring that deed performed by the forces of the Christians. All this
 +is related by Americo, who adds that they returned to Spain and arrived
 +at Cadiz with 222 Indian captives, where they were, according to him,
 +very joyfully received, and where they sold all the slaves. Who will
 +now ask whence they stole and carried off the 200 natives? This, as
 +other things, is passed over in silence by Americo. It should be noted
 +here by readers who know something of what belongs to right and natural
 +justice, that although these natives are without faith, yet those with
 +whom Americo went had neither just cause nor right to make war on the
 +natives of those islands and to carry them off as slaves, without having
 +received any injury from them, nor the slightest offence. Moreover, they
 +were ignorant whether the accusations of those of the mainland against
 +the islanders were just or unjust. What report, or what love would be
 +spread about and sown among the natives, touching those Christians,
 +when they left them wounded and desolate? But we must proceed, for,
 +touching this matter, <​i>​grandis restat nobis via</​i>​.
 +<hr />
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page96"​ name="​page96"></​a>​[96]</​span></​p>​
 +<span class="​sc">​Chapter CLXVIII.</​span>​
 +Here Americo is convicted of a palpable falsehood, for he says that he
 +went to Castille from that island where he perpetrated such atrocities,
 +making no mention of having first gone to Española, as he did. He refers
 +the visit to Española to his second voyage, but this is not true, as has
 +already been proved in chap. 162. It is not the fact that they went to
 +Castille from the island where they made war and ill-treated the people:
 +as can be proved from the witnesses examined before the Royal Fiscal, in
 +the lawsuit between Don Diego Colon and the King respecting the granting
 +and observance of his privileges, of which I have often made mention
 +before. They deposed that Alonso de Hojeda, with whom Americo sailed in
 +his first voyage, went along the coast to Cuquibacoa, which is Venezuela,
 +and the Cabo de la Vela, and that thence they went to Española. Thus a
 +witness named Andres de Morales made oath, whom I knew well, a principal
 +pilot and a veteran of these Indies, citizen of Santo Domingo. He said
 +in his deposition, in answer to the fifth question, as follows: "that
 +he knew what happened during that voyage."​ Asked how he knew, he said:
 +"that he knew because he had often been with Juan de la Cosa and with
 +Alonso de Hojeda, and talked over this voyage, and that they went from
 +the island of Roquemes in the Canaries, and arrived at the mainland near
 +the province of Paria, passing on to the island of Margarita, thence to
 +Maracapana, discovering the coast as far as the Cacique Ayarayte, and
 +thence, from port to port, to the Island of the Giants, the province of
 +Cuquibacoa, and the Cabo de la Vela, which name was given to it by the
 +said Hojeda and Juan de la Cosa, and thence they went to the island of
 +Española."​ These are his words. Now they could not go from a place so
 +far to
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page97"​ name="​page97"></​a>​[97]</​span>​
 +       ​leeward,​ to the island where they committed their depredations,​
 +because it must have been one of those towards the east, such as
 +Guadalupe, and the islands near it. It would be very difficult to work
 +to windward against wind and current, which are continuous. This is
 +confirmed by the fact that they reached Brazil in Española, which is
 +the port of Yaquimo,<​a href="#​note-151"​ name="​noteref-151"><​small>​ 151</​small></​a>​ and the proper and natural landfall from Cabo
 +de la Vela. If they had repaired the ships and taken in provisions in
 +that port of the mainland, how was it that it was found necessary to
 +repair and take in provisions again at Española? How was it that the
 +witnesses, and especially the pilot, Andres de Morales, who seems to
 +intimate that he went with them, do not mention that Hojeda had built a
 +brigantine and repaired his ships in some port of the mainland, that being
 +a remarkable event. It would strengthen the veracity of his statements
 +with reference to the discovery of that mainland having been made by him,
 +which was the object of the suit presided over by the Fiscal against the
 +Admiral. It is clear that Americo transferred things which happened in
 +the first voyage to the second, while events of the second are referred
 +to the first voyage, as we have demonstrated already in chap. 142, being
 +silent respecting many things, and adding others which never happened.
 +For example, the building of the brigantine and repairing of the ships
 +on the mainland certainly happened, and I know that it was so, being
 +notorious at that time; but it was during the second voyage, and not the
 +first; while the coming to the island Española, where certain scandals
 +were caused by Hojeda, to which I shall presently refer, took place in
 +the first voyage, and not in the second, as Americo represents. I further
 +say that Hojeda never came to discover, trade, or settle on the mainland,
 +without visiting Española. But his coming in the
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page98"​ name="​page98"></​a>​[98]</​span>​
 +                                                 first voyage is denied
 +or concealed by Americo by silence. From the time that Hojeda left Spain
 +until he arrived at Española there was an interval of five months,
 +which does not leave time for all that he is said to have done during
 +that first voyage.
 +Returning to the first voyage of Hojeda, with whom Americo went by the
 +correct route, and not by the interpolated and confused way alleged
 +by Americo, we say that from the province of Cuquibacoa, now called
 +Venezuela, and the Cabo de la Vela, he came to this island of Española,
 +and anchored on the 5th of September, as I have already said in chap. 164,
 +at Brazil, which is in the province of Yaquimo,<​a href="#​note-152"​ name="​noteref-152"><​small>​ 152</​small></​a>​ and I even believe
 +further down, near that which is now called Cabana, the land and dominion
 +of a king named Haniguayabá. The Spaniards, who were in that province
 +of Yaquimo, presently knew of the arrival, either from the Indians,
 +or because they saw the vessels come in from the sea. They knew that it
 +was Hojeda, and word was presently sent to the Admiral, who was at San
 +Domingo, having recently made peace with Roldan and his companions. The
 +Admiral ordered two or three caravels to be got ready, and sent Roldan
 +with a force to prohibit the cutting of brasil wood, suspecting that
 +Hojeda would load with it. Roldan was also ordered to prevent the newcomer
 +from doing any other mischief, as Hojeda was known to be most audacious
 +in doing what he chose, it being a word and a deed with him, as they
 +say. Roldan arrived at the port of Yaquimo, or near it, with his caravels,
 +and landed on the 29th of that month of September. He then learnt from
 +the Indians that Hojeda was close by. Roldan, with twenty-six of his men,
 +came within a league and a half, and sent five men by night, as spies,
 +to see what force was with Hojeda. They found that he was coming to
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page99"​ name="​page99"></​a>​[99]</​span>​
 + ​reconnoitre Roldan, for the Indians had told him that Roldan had arrived
 +with a large force in three caravels. Roldan was known and feared in all
 +that land, and the natives told Hojeda that Roldan had sent for him to
 +come where he was; but this was not the case. Hojeda only had fifteen men
 +with him, having left the rest in his four ships, which were in a port
 +at a distance of eight leagues. He had come to get bread in the village
 +of the cacique Haniguayabá,​ and they were making it, not venturing to
 +do anything else, fearing that Roldan would come to seize them. Hojeda,
 +with five or six men, came to where Roldan was, and entered into general
 +conversation,​ Roldan inquiring how Hojeda had come to that island, and
 +especially to that part of it, without leave from the Admiral, and why
 +he had not first gone to where the Admiral was. Hojeda answered that he
 +was on a voyage of discovery, and that he was in great need of provisions
 +and his ships of repairs, so that he had no other alternative,​ and that he
 +could not reach any nearer place. Roldan then asked him by what right he
 +was making discoveries,​ and whether he had a royal licence that he could
 +show to entitle him to get supplies without asking the permission of the
 +governor. He answered that he had such a licence, but that it was on board
 +his ship, eight leagues distant. Roldan said that it must be shown to him,
 +otherwise he would be unable to give an account to the Admiral concerning
 +the business on which he had been sent. Hojeda complied as far as he was
 +able, saying that when he was despatched from that port he would go to make
 +his reverence to the Admiral, and to tell him many things, some of which
 +he mentioned to Roldan. These were, I have no doubt, the questions then
 +spoken of at Court, touching the deprivation of the Admiral, for, as Roldan
 +wrote, they were things which were not fit to be discussed in letters.
 +Roldan left Hojeda there and went with his caravels to
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page100"​ name="​page100"></​a>​[100]</​span>​
 +                                                        the place where
 +the caravels of Hojeda were at anchor, and found some persons on board
 +who had been in Española with the Admiral, and had served with him in
 +the discovery of Paria, having returned in the five ships, especially
 +one Juan Velasquez and Juan Vizcaino,<​a href="#​note-153"​ name="​noteref-153"><​small>​ 153</​small></​a>​ who showed him the concession
 +signed by the Bishop Don Juan de Fonseca, which I have already mentioned
 +in chap. 164. They informed him of the events of the voyage, and how
 +much of the mainland they had discovered, and how they had lost one
 +man killed, and twenty or more wounded, in a fight, as was stated in
 +the said chap. 164, in which it is proved that this happened during
 +the first voyage of Hojeda. Francisco Roldan also learnt from them that
 +they had found gold, and brought it in the form of <​i>​guaninas</​i>,​ which are
 +certain trinkets, well and artificially worked, such as they know how
 +to make in Castille, but the gold was below the standard. They brought
 +antlers, and said they had seen deer, rabbits, and the skin of a tiger
 +cat; also a collar made of the nails of animals, all which was news to
 +those who lived in Española. Roldan, knowing this, and believing that
 +Hojeda would do what he had promised; that is, that when he had got his
 +supply of bread in that village he would go to the port of San Domingo
 +to visit the Admiral by land, ordered the caravels to do what they had
 +to do, and I believe this was to get a cargo of brasil wood. Roldan went
 +from Yaquimo to Xaragua, a distance of eighteen leagues, and visited
 +the Christians who were allotted to the villages of the Indians, doing
 +what seemed best to him, and then returned to report the things that had
 +been said to him by Hojeda to the Admiral, which could not have been the
 +best news in the world; for when the five ships came with intelligence
 +of the rebellion of Roldan, they discussed at court the deposition
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page101"​ name="​page101"></​a>​[101]</​span>​
 + of
 +the Admiral, a thing which Hojeda would not be the last to know, being
 +favoured by the Bishop Don Juan de Fonseca, and neither being friendly
 +to the Admiral and his affairs. As regards the Bishop this was quite
 +notorious, and I saw it with my eyes, felt it with my feeling, and
 +understood it with my understanding. As to Hojeda, it appeared afterwards
 +that he must have left Española, discontented with the Admiral.
 +<hr />
 +<span class="​sc">​Chapter CLXIX.</​span>​
 +Roldan took leave of Hojeda, believing that everything that glittered
 +was gold, and Hojeda, having got the bread about which he had arranged,
 +instead of taking the road to Santo Domingo to see the Admiral, and
 +give an account to him of what he had done during his voyage, as he had
 +promised to Roldan, and to report the news from Castille, went with his
 +four ships towards the west, in the direction of the gulf and port of
 +Xaragua. The Christians who were living there, in the villages of the
 +Caciques, received him with joy, and gave him and his people all they
 +needed, although not from the sweat of their own brows, but from that
 +of the Indians, for of the latter the Spaniards are accustomed to be
 +very liberal. As one of their caravels was very unseaworthy,​ and could
 +no longer be kept above water, they made the Indians work, and they
 +gave much help until she was repaired, assisting in every other way
 +that was needed. While he was there he found that there were people who
 +regretted the free life they had been so recently leading under Roldan,
 +who were ill-disposed towards the affairs of the Admiral, and who were
 +discontented because they could not now do as they pleased. One of their
 +most common complaints was that their wages
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page102"​ name="​page102"></​a>​[102]</​span>​
 +                                             were not paid. Hojeda, moved
 +either by the disposition he found in these people, or by the expectation
 +of profit for himself, began to encourage the discontent, saying that
 +he would join with them, and, uniting them with his own people, that he
 +would go to the Admiral and demand payment in the name of the Sovereigns,
 +and force him to pay, even if he did so unwillingly. He declared that
 +he had powers from the Sovereigns to do this, and that he and Alonso de
 +Carvajal had received them, when the Admiral returned in the year 1498,
 +that they might come and constrain him to make the payments. He added
 +many other arguments, according to what they said, in great prejudice of
 +the Admiral, and to excite the people against him, to which the greater
 +part inclined, being unprincipled men, friends of turbulence and unrest,
 +and without fear either of God or of the mischief that would follow in
 +that island, both to Christians and Indians.
 +There were some, however, who did not wish to join in the foolish
 +and evil deeds of Hojeda. These were in a certain farm or village near
 +Xaragua. For all were scattered among the Indian villages, to be fed and
 +maintained by the natives, which could not be done if they all remained
 +together. As these men refused their approval when they were incited,
 +either by letters or by word of mouth, or because they had among them some
 +one who was obnoxious to Hojeda in times past, he arranged one night, in
 +concert with those who had joined him, to attack the loyal men and wreak
 +his vengeance on them, or do them some other injury; and this was done,
 +with the result that several men were killed and wounded on both sides.
 +This caused great scandal in the land, among Indians as well as
 +Christians, so that disturbances even worse than those of Roldan,
 +recently appeased, would have arisen if God, using the same Roldan as
 +His instrument, had not
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page103"​ name="​page103"></​a>​[103]</​span>​
 +                        obviated the danger. Roldan now returned from
 +Santo Domingo to Xaragua. Either because the Admiral suspected that Hojeda
 +would return and cause injury, both to Christians and Indians, and wished
 +to be certain that he had left the island; or because he had received
 +intelligence from the Christians who remained loyal of what was taking
 +place, for they sent messages by Indians every eight days, he finally
 +despatched Roldan to Xaragua, who heard on the road of the scandals and
 +mischief done by Hojeda, and of the object he announced. Roldan then
 +sent to one Diego de Escobar, a leading man among those who had always
 +followed him, ordering him to collect as large a force as possible from
 +among those who had not been influenced by Hojeda, and to come with them
 +to Xaragua. He collected all he could from the villages in which the
 +Christians were scattered, and both arrived at Xaragua on two successive
 +days. Hojeda had by that time returned to his ships.
 +Francisco Roldan wrote a letter to Hojeda, pointing out the scandals,
 +deaths, and mischief he had caused, the disservice that the Sovereigns
 +would receive from such conduct, the disturbance caused in the colony, the
 +good will which the Admiral entertained towards him, and urging him not
 +to adopt a course which would cause loss to all. In order that the evils
 +might be forgotten, as what was done could not be helped, he proposed
 +that Hojeda should at least come and excuse himself. Hojeda would not
 +place himself in such peril, for he knew Roldan to be an astute and
 +resolute man, and with no small intelligence. Roldan then sent Diego de
 +Escobar to confer with Hojeda, who was not less able than the other two.
 +I knew him well during many years. Escobar set before Hojeda the heinous
 +character of what he had done as strongly as he could, and urged him to
 +come to Roldan. Hojeda replied that it was what he wished to do. Escobar
 +returned without having
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page104"​ name="​page104"></​a>​[104]</​span>​
 +                        been able to make a definite arrangement. But
 +Roldan, believing that Hojeda would agree, sent one Diego de Truxillo,
 +who, as soon as he came on board the ship, was seized and put in irons.
 +Hojeda then landed and marched to Xaragua with twenty armed men. He found
 +there one Toribio de Linares, whom I also knew well. He was seized and
 +taken to the ships, where he was put in irons. These proceedings were
 +reported by the Indians to Roldan, who was then at a distance of a league
 +from Xaragua. Roldan quickly set out in pursuit with the men he had with
 +him, well equipped, but Hojeda was already out of his reach. He then
 +sent one Hernando de Estepa, whom I also knew well, to whom Hojeda said
 +that unless one Juan Pintor, who had left the ship, was given up (a man
 +whom I also knew, and who only had one hand), he swore he would hang the
 +two prisoners he had in irons. What harm had these done to merit hanging,
 +because Juan Pintor had deserted! Hojeda got under weigh with his ships,
 +and proceeded along the coast to some villages and a province called Cahay,
 +where there is a charming country and people, ten or twelve leagues from
 +Xaragua. Here he landed with forty men, and seized all the provisions he
 +wanted by force, especially yams and sweet potatoes, for here are the
 +best and finest in the island, leaving both Christians and Indians in
 +great want. Seeing that he had made sail, Roldan sent Diego de Escobar
 +along the sea-shore in pursuit with twenty-five men. But as they arrived
 +at night, Hojeda had already returned to his ships. Soon afterwards,
 +Roldan followed in pursuit with twenty men, and, having arrived at Cahay,
 +he found there a letter which Hojeda had written to Diego de Escobar,
 +declaring that he would hang his two prisoners if his man, Juan Pintor,
 +was not restored. Roldan then ordered Diego de Escobar to get into a
 +canoe, manned, as the sailors say, by Indian rowers, and to go within
 +hail of the ships. He was to tell Hojeda, on the part of Roldan,
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page105"​ name="​page105"></​a>​[105]</​span>​
 + that as
 +he would not trust him and come to speak with him, he was willing to
 +come to the ships, trusting in his honour, and asking that he would send
 +a boat with this object. Hojeda perceived that his game was now made;
 +but another thought occurred to him, which was that Francisco Roldan
 +had brought his drums on his back, as the saying is. Hojeda sent a very
 +good boat, for he had only one such, with eight very valiant seamen,
 +with their lances, swords, and shields. Coming within a stone'​s-throw
 +of the beach, they called out that Roldan should embark. Roldan asked,
 +"How many did the captain say were to come with me." They answered, "Five
 +or six men." Roldan presently ordered that Diego de Escobar should get
 +in first, then Pero Bello, Montoya, and Hernan Brabo, and Bolaños. They
 +would not consent that any more should get into the boat. Then Roldan
 +said to one Pedro de Illanes that he must take him to the boat on his
 +back, and as he wanted some one else at his side, he took another man
 +named Salvador. Having all got into the boat, Roldan dissimulated,​
 +saying to those who were rowing that they should row towards the
 +land. They did not wish to do so. He and his men put their hands to
 +their swords, and laid about them with such effect that some were
 +killed, others jumped overboard, and all were made prisoners, as well
 +as an Indian archer kidnapped from the islands, only one escaping by
 +swimming. They were brought on shore, and thus Hojeda was left without
 +his best boat, of which he had much need, and also without quite so
 +much pride and insolence. Hojeda, seeing that his artifice had failed,
 +and his intentions were frustrated, resolved to resume the negotiation
 +with more humility. So he got into a small boat with Juan de la Cosa,
 +his principal pilot, a gunner, and four more, and pulled towards the
 +shore. Francisco Roldan, knowing him to be reckless and valiant, and
 +even thinking that he might venture to attack, got ready
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page106"​ name="​page106"></​a>​[106]</​span>​
 +                                                         the large boat
 +with seven rowers and fifteen fighting men, and a good canoe capable
 +of holding fifteen more, all "<​i>​à pique</​i>",​ as the sailors say. Being
 +on the water, as soon as they were within hailing distance, Hojeda said
 +that he wished to speak with Francisco Roldan. Coming nearer, Francisco
 +Roldan asked him why he had perpetrated those scandalous and culpable
 +acts. He replied that it was because they told him that the Admiral had
 +given orders to apprehend him. Roldan assured him that it was false,
 +and that the Admiral had no intention of doing him harm, but rather to
 +help him and do him honour, and that if he would come to Santo Domingo
 +he would find this to be true by his own experience. Finally Hojeda
 +asked that his boat and men might be restored, no longer caring about
 +Juan Pintor, representing that he could not return to Spain without his
 +boat. Francisco Roldan saw the difficulty in which Hojeda was placed&​mdash;​for
 +there had been a terrible gale just before, and Hojeda'​s largest ship
 +had dragged her anchors, and had been driven more than two cross-bow
 +shots nearer the shore, where there was danger of ship and crew being
 +lost; also because if Hojeda remained on the island there would be
 +greater confusion caused by him than had previously been caused by
 +Roldan himself. For these reasons Roldan decided to restore the boat
 +with the men, if Hojeda would restore the two prisoners he had seized
 +and ill-treated. This was arranged. He departed to make an incursion,
 +which he said he had to make, and according to what a clergyman who was
 +with him said, and two or three other honest men who were left, the raid
 +that he sought to make was what he intended to do against the person
 +and affairs of the Admiral, and I firmly believe that he had means of
 +knowing that the Sovereigns were considering the removal of the Admiral
 +from his place. For Hojeda was in favour with the Bishop Fonseca, and,
 +on the other hand, the same Bishop always viewed the Admiral
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page107"​ name="​page107"></​a>​[107]</​span>​
 + with
 +disfavour, justly or unjustly, as to men I say, "God knows."​
 +According to what I suspect, when Hojeda left Española he went to load
 +his ships with Indians, either in some part of that island, or in the
 +Island of San Juan,<a href="#​note-154"​ name="​noteref-154"><​small>​ 154</​small></​a>​ or in some of the neighbouring islands, for
 +he brought to Spain and sold at Cadiz 222 slaves, as Americo confessed
 +in his first <​i>​Navigation</​i>​. This, with the other injuries and outrages
 +perpetrated on Christians and Indians by Hojeda, was his cargo. From what
 +has been seen in this chapter, the falsehoods of Americo are apparent,
 +and the tyrannies committed in this his first voyage, when he accompanied
 +Hojeda, as well as the way in which he confused the events of the two
 +voyages, are now made as evident as that the sun shines. Americo says,
 +respecting the scandals of Hojeda which took place during the first
 +voyage, but which he places in the second, as follows:
 +"We departed, and, for the sake of obtaining many things of which we
 +were in need, we shaped a course for the island of Antiglia, being that
 +which Christopher Columbus discovered a few years ago. Here we took many
 +supplies on board, and remained two months and 17 days. Here we endured
 +many dangers and troubles from the same Christians who were in this
 +island with Columbus. I believe this was caused by envy; but to avoid
 +prolixity I will refrain from recounting what happened. We departed from
 +the said island on the 22nd of July."
 +All this is false. He says that he does not describe the troubles they
 +suffered, to avoid prolixity, giving to understand that they suffered
 +unjustly; and he does not tell the cause, or what were the outrages that
 +they committed. Moreover, to place these scandals in the second
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page108"​ name="​page108"></​a>​[108]</​span>​
 + ​voyage is
 +also false, as has already been sufficiently shown. To state that the
 +date of departure was the 22nd of July is still more false. For that
 +date was almost at the end of February in the year 1500, and I even
 +believe in March, as appears from the letters which I saw and had in my
 +possession. I know the handwriting of Francisco Roldan, who wrote every
 +eight or fifteen days to the Admiral, when he went to watch Hojeda. The
 +fact is that the date which should belong to the second he put in the
 +first voyage; and the outrages and harm those who were with him did in
 +the first, he referred to as injuries done to them, without provocation,​
 +in the second voyage.
 +<hr />
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page109"​ name="​page109"></​a>​[109]</​span></​p>​
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_4_0009"​ id="​h2H_4_0009"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +    <​small>​(IN THE LAWSUIT) RESPECTING</​small><​br />
 +    THE VOYAGE OF PINZON AND SOLIS.<a href="#​note-155"​ name="​noteref-155"><​small>​ 155</​small></​a>​
 +<​i>​Antonio Garcia</​i>,​ a pilot, saw the drawing of what had been discovered
 +by Juan Diaz, and it is all one coast.<a href="#​note-155"​ name="​noteref-155a"><​small>​ 155</​small></​a>​
 +<​i>​Vicente Yañez Pinson</​i>​ deposed that this witness and Juan de Solis
 +went by order of their Highnesses, and discovered all the land that
 +up to this time has been discovered from the island of Guanaja to the
 +province of Camarona, following the coast <​i>​towards the east</​i>​ as far as
 +the provinces of Chabaca and Pintigron, which were discovered by this
 +witness and Juan de Solis, who likewise discovered, in following along
 +the coast, a great bay to which they gave the name of the Bay of the
 +Nativity. Thence this witness discovered the mountains of <​i>​Caria</​i>,<​a href="#​note-156"​ name="​noteref-156"><​small>​ 156</​small></​a>​
 +and other land further on.<a href="#​note-157"​ name="​noteref-157"><​small>​ 157</​small></​a>​
 +<​i>​Rodrigo de Bastidas</​i>​ said that Yañez and Juan Diaz de Solis went to
 +discover below Veragua. He did not know how much they discovered, but
 +it is all one coast with that which was first discovered by the Admiral.
 +<​i>​Nicolas Perez</​i>​ said that the Admiral, in that voyage when he went to
 +Veragua, discovered Cape Gracias a Dios, and that all beyond that is
 +discovered, was discovered by Yañez and Juan Diaz de Solis; that this
 +appears by the sea-chart drawn by them, and that by it all who go to
 +those parts are guided.
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page110"​ name="​page110"></​a>​[110]</​span></​p>​
 +<​i>​Pedro de Ledesma</​i>,<​a href="#​note-158"​ name="​noteref-158"><​small>​ 158</​small></​a>​ pilot, said that he went in company of Vicente
 +Yañez and Juan Solis by order of their Highnesses, and saw what Vicente
 +Yañez and Juan de Solis discovered beyond the land of Veragua, in a
 +part towards the north,<a href="#​note-159"​ name="​noteref-159"><​small>​ 159</​small></​a>​ all that which has been made known up to
 +the present time, from the island of Guanaja towards the north; and that
 +these lands are called Chabaca and Pintigron, and that they reached in
 +a northerly direction as far as 23&​frac12;​ degrees, and that in this part
 +the said Don Cristobal Colon neither went, nor discovered, nor saw.
 +<hr />
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page111"​ name="​page111"></​a>​[111]</​span></​p>​
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_4_0010"​ id="​h2H_4_0010"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +    LAS CASAS<br />
 +    <​small>​ON THE</​small><​br />
 +    VOYAGE OF PINZON AND SOLIS.<a href="#​note-160"​ name="​noteref-160"><​small>​ 160</​small></​a>​
 +After the Admiral left the solitude and the hardships he suffered in
 +Jamaica and came to Castille, it being known what he had discovered, there
 +presently agreed together one Juan Diaz de Solis and Vicente Yañez Pinzon
 +(brother of Martin A. Pinzon, of whom we said that he helped the Admiral
 +to fit out in the town of Palos, and went with him, taking Vicente Yañez
 +and another brother, when he sailed on the first voyage to discover
 +these Indies, as has been explained in the first book) to set out and
 +discover, and to continue the route which the Admiral had left on his
 +fourth and last voyage of discovery. These went to take up the thread
 +from the island or islands of Guanajes, which we said that the Admiral
 +had discovered in his last voyage, and they turned to the east.<a href="#​note-161"​ name="​noteref-161"><​small>​ 161</​small></​a>​
 +These two discoverers sailed<a href="#​note-162"​ name="​noteref-162"><​small>​ 162</​small></​a>​ (as may be gathered from the statement
 +of witnesses called by the Fiscal in the lawsuit with the second Admiral)
 +towards the west from the Guanajes, and must have arrived near the Golfo
 +Dolce, although they did not see it because it is concealed, but they saw
 +the openings made by the sea into the land, which contains the Golfo Dolce
 +and that of Yucatan, and it is like a great gulf or bay. (The mariners
 +give the name of bay to the sea that is between two lands in the form of
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page112"​ name="​page112"></​a>​[112]</​span>​
 + an open port, which would be a port if it was not that it is very large,
 +but being very capacious and not closed, they call it a bay, the <​i>​i</​i>​
 +and <​i>​a</​i>​ in <​i>​bahia</​i>​ being pronounced separately.) Thus, as they saw
 +that great angle made by the sea between the two lands, the one which
 +is on the left hand having its back to the east, and this is the coast
 +which contains the port of Caballos and in front of it the Golfo Dolce,
 +and the other on the right hand, which is the coast of the province
 +of Yucatan. It appeared to them to be a great bay, and Vicente Yañez,
 +therefore (in the sworn deposition he made in the said lawsuit, when he
 +was called a witness by the Fiscal), said that, sailing from the island
 +of Guanajes, the coast stretching along, they discovered a great bay to
 +which they gave the name of the "Great Bay of the Nativity",​ and thence
 +they discovered the hills of Caria,<a href="#​note-163"​ name="​noteref-163"><​small>​ 163</​small></​a>​ and other lands further on.
 +According to the other witnesses, they then turned north.<a href="#​note-164"​ name="​noteref-164"><​small>​ 164</​small></​a>​ From all
 +this it appears certain that they then discovered a great part of the
 +kingdom of Yucatan, but as afterwards there was no one who would continue
 +that discovery, nothing more was known of the edifices of that kingdom,
 +whence the territory and grandeur of the kingdoms of New Spain might
 +easily have been discovered. But they were found by chance from the island
 +of Cuba, as, please God, will be set forth in Book III of this history.
 +And it must here be remarked that these discoverers were chiefly actuated
 +in their enterprize by emulation of the Admiral, and of what he had
 +discovered before, in the service of the Sovereigns. As if the Admiral
 +had not been the first to open the gates of the ocean which had been
 +closed for so many thousands of ages before, and had not shown the light
 +by which all might see how to discover. The Royal Fiscal devoted all
 +his studies to prove
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page113"​ name="​page113"></​a>​[113]</​span>​
 +                     that the parts of the mainland discovered by
 +the other explorers were distinct from those which the Admiral had
 +discovered, and he would make a point that the mainland was not so
 +long; his object being to diminish the Admiral'​s credit, and to make
 +out that the Sovereigns were less obliged to recognise the inestimable
 +services he had performed, and to fulfil the promises they had made,
 +and by which they were bound so justly and with such good reason. This
 +was a great injustice.
 +With reference to this design, the Fiscal put the question whether
 +the witnesses knew that the discoveries made by others were distinct
 +from those made by the Admiral. For the most part he got the answers
 +he wanted from the sailors, who said it was a different land. But they
 +were not asked if it was all one mainland, nor did they deny that. But
 +others, especially two honourable men whom I knew well, the one Rodrigo
 +de Bastidas, of whom we have already treated, the other a pilot named
 +Andres de Morales, understanding the injury that the prosecutor was
 +trying to do the Admiral, deposed many times, on different occasions
 +in the course of the lawsuit, that the lands others had discovered were
 +to the west of those discovered by the Admiral, but that the whole was
 +one continuous land. True that Vicente Yañez and Juan de Solis went to
 +discover beyond Veragua, along that coast, but all the land that they or
 +any others discovered of the region called the main was all one coast,
 +and continuous with what the Admiral discovered first. Others, besides
 +these two, say it is all one coast from Paria, though provinces have
 +different names, and there are also different languages. This was then
 +declared by witnesses who had been there, and knew it well by having
 +used their own eyes, and now it would be needless to seek further for
 +witnesses than in the grocers'​ shops in Seville. Thus it cannot be denied
 +to the Admiral, except with great injustice, that as he was
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page114"​ name="​page114"></​a>​[114]</​span>​
 +                                                            the first
 +discoverer of those Indies, so he was also of the whole of our mainland,
 +and to him is due the credit, by discovering the province of Paria,
 +which is a part of all that land. For it was he that put the thread into
 +the hands of the rest, by which they found the clew to more distant
 +parts. Consequently,​ his rights ought most justly to be complied with
 +and respected throughout all that land, even if the region was still
 +more extensive, just as they should be respected in Española and the
 +other islands. For it was not necessary for him to go to every part,
 +any more than it is necessary in taking possession of an estate, as the
 +jurists hold.
 +<div class="​figure">​
 +<a name="​image-0004"><​!--IMG--></​a>​
 +<a href="​images/​i_166.jpg"><​img src="​images/​i_166.png"​ width="​150"​ height="​90"​
 +title="​(decorative footer)"​
 +alt="​(decorative footer)"​ /></​a>​
 +<hr />
 +<​p><​span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page115"​ name="​page115"></​a>​[115]</​span></​p>​
 +<​div><​a name="​h2H_4_0011"​ id="​h2H_4_0011"><​!-- H2 anchor --></​a></​div>​
 +<div style="​height:​ 4em;"><​br /><br /><br /><br /></​div>​
 +    INDEX
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Æthiopia</​b>,​ coast of, <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>,​ <a href="#​page41">​41</​a>,​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Africa</​b>,​ west coast, Vespucci on, <a href="#​pagexli">​xli</​a>,​ <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>,​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Africus</​b>,​ a course, <a href="#​page52">​52</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Albizi</​b>,​ Francisco degli, a tall man, natives compared to, <a href="#​page27">​27</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Alseshij</​b>,​ a name in the Vianelo letter, <a href="#​page59">​59</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Altitudes</​b>​ of heavenly bodies, observations,​ <a href="#​page44">​44</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​America</​b>,​ objection of Las Casas and Herrera to the name, <a href="#​pagexxxix">​xxxix</​a>,​ <a href="#​page76">​76</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Animals</​b>​ enumerated as seen in the first voyage, <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>,​ <a href="#​page87">​87</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Antarctic Circle</​b>,​ approach to, <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>,​ <a href="#​page45">​45</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Antiglia</​b>,​ or Antilla, <a href="#​pagexxiv">​xxiv</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxxvi">​xxxvi</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page29">​29</​a>,​ <a href="#​page83">​83</​a>,​ <a href="#​page107">​107</​a>​ (see <​b>​Española</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Astrolabe</​b>,​ <a href="#​page45">​45</​a>,​ <a href="#​page65">​65</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Atlantic</​b>,​ passages across, <a href="#​page3">​3</​a>,​ <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>,​ <a href="#​page36">​36</​a>,​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ayarayte</​b>,​ cacique, <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Azores</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexlii">​xlii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page41">​41</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Badajoz</​b>​ commission, <a href="#​pageviii">​viii</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Bahamas</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexxvii">​xxvii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Bahia</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexliii">​xliii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Balboa</​b>,​ Vasco Nuñez de, <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Bandini</​b>,​ his Life of Vespucci, <a href="#​pageii">​ii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Baptisms</​b>​ performed by Vespucci and his companions, <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   comments of Las Casas, <a href="#​page88">​88</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Bastidas</​b>,​ Rodrigo de, evidence respecting the voyage of Pinzon and Solis, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>,​ <a href="#​page113">​113</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Bello</​b>,​ Pero, one of Roldan'​s boat's crew, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Benvenuti</​b>,​ Benvenuto di Domenico, requested Vespucci to write to Soderini, bearer of the letter, <a href="#​page2">​2</​a>,​ <a href="#​page56">​56</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Berardi</​b>,​ Juan, employed Vespucci, <a href="#​pageiv">​iv</​a>,​ <a href="#​page31">​31</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   his contract to supply ships, <a href="#​pageiv">​iv</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagev">​v</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   suggestion that his ships were used for the voyage of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexxv">​xxv</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Bermuda</​b>​ (see <​b>​Iti</​b>​),​ first appearance on the map, <a href="#​pagexxxviii">​xxxviii</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   discovered by Juan Bermudez, <​i>​ib.</​i>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Besechiece</​b>,​ on the coast of Africa, <a href="#​pagexli">​xli</​a>,​ <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>​ (see <​b>​Biseghier</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Birds</​b>​ seen in the first voyage, <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   comments of Las Casas, <a href="#​page88">​88</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Biseghier</​b>,​ or Bezequiche, <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Bobadilla</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Bolaños</​b>,​ one of Roldan'​s boat's crew, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Book</​b>​ of Vespucci (see <​i>​Four Voyages</​i>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Brabo</​b>,​ Hernan, one of Roldan'​s boat's crew, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Brasil</​b>​ in Española, Hojeda at, <a href="#​page80">​80</​a>,​ <a href="#​page97">​97</​a>,​ <a href="#​page98">​98</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Brazil</​b>,​ coast of, Vespucci on, <a href="#​pagexii">​xii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexli">​xli</​a>,​ <a href="#​page36">​36</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   natives, <a href="#​page36">​36</​a>,​ <a href="#​page37">​37</​a>,​ <a href="#​page45">​45</​a>,​ <a href="#​page46">​46</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   cannibals, <a href="#​page37">​37</​a>,​ <a href="#​page38">​38</​a>,​ <a href="#​page47">​47</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   trees, <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>,​ <a href="#​page48">​48</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   fort built, <a href="#​page55">​55</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cabot</​b>,​ Sebastian, as to observations of Vespucci, <a href="#​pageviii">​viii</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cabral</​b>,​ Pedro Alvarez, met Portuguese expedition on return from India, <a href="#​pagexli">​xli</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cadiz</​b>,​ Vespucci sent as a commercial agent to, <a href="#​pageiv">​iv</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   departure of Vespucci from, <a href="#​page3">​3</​a>,​ <a href="#​page4">​4</​a>,​ <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>,​ <a href="#​page75">​75</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   return to, <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>,​ <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   return of Hojeda to, <a href="#​page34">​34</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   slaves sold at, <a href="#​page19">​19</​a>,​ <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cahay</​b>,​ <a href="#​page104">​104</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Calicut</​b>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>​ </li>
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page116"​ name="​page116"></​a>​[116]</​span>​
 +      <​b>​Camarona</​b>,​ province, Pinzon and Solis at, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Canaria Gran</​b>,​ Vespucci at, distance from Lisbon, <a href="#​page4">​4</​a>,​ <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   Hojeda touched at, <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>,​ <a href="#​page85">​85</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Vespucci at, with the Portuguese, <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>,​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cancer</​b>,​ Tropic of, <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Canna fistola</​b>,​ tree, <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cannibals</​b>,​ <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>,​ <a href="#​page37">​37</​a>,​ <a href="#​page38">​38</​a>,​ <a href="#​page47">​47</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Canoe</​b>,​ chase of, in the Gulf of Paria, <a href="#​page23">​23</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Canopus</​b>,​ <a href="#​page49">​49</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Canovai</​b>,​ Life of Vespucci by, <a href="#​pageiii">​iii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cape Verde</​b>,​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>,​ <a href="#​page44">​44</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cape Verde Isles</​b>,​ <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>,​ <a href="#​page28">​28</​a>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>,​ <a href="#​page69">​69</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Capricorn</​b>,​ Tropic, <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>,​ <a href="#​page48">​48</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Carabi</​b>,​ a native word mentioned by Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexxiii">​xxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxix">​xxix</​a>,​ <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>,​ <a href="#​page89">​89</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Caria</​b>,​ mountains, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>,​ <a href="#​page112">​112</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cariaco</​b>,​ gulf, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>,​ <a href="#​page92">​92</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Caribs</​b>,​ <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Carnesecchi</​b>,​ priest who brought news of Geronnica Vespucci, <a href="#​pageiv">​iv</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Carvajal</​b>,​ Alonso de, <a href="#​page102">​102</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cassia</​b>​ trees, <a href="#​page29">​29</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cazabi</​b>,​ food of natives, <a href="#​pagexxiii">​xxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxx">​xxx</​a>,​ <a href="#​page11">​11</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cerezo</​b>,​ Maria, wife of Vespucci, pension, <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Chabaca</​b>,​ Pinzon and Solis voyage, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>​-<​a href="#​page10">​10</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Chart</​b>,​ <a href="#​page45">​45</​a>​ (see <​b>​Padron Real</​b>​),​ <a href="#​page64">​64</​a>,​ <a href="#​page65">​65</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Climates</​b>​ as divisions of the globe referred to by Vespucci, <a href="#​page4">​4</​a>,​ <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>,​ <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Coelho</​b>,​ Gonzalo, expedition to Brazil, Vespucci not with him, <a href="#​pagexlii">​xlii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page52">​52</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Columba</​b>,​ name proposed by Las Casas instead of America, <a href="#​page76">​76</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Columbus</​b>,​ Christopher:​ Government broke faith with, <a href="#​pagev">​v</​a>​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   Vespucci contracted for voyages of, <a href="#​pagevi">​vi</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Mentioned once by Vespucci, <a href="#​pagevi">​vi</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexii">​xii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page29">​29</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Letter to his son in which Vespucci is mentioned, <a href="#​page57">​57</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   True discoverer of the mainland, <a href="#​page68">​68</​a>,​ <a href="#​page69">​69</​a>,​ <a href="#​page75">​75</​a>,​ <a href="#​page78">​78</​a>,​ <a href="#​page113">​113</​a>,​ <a href="#​page114">​114</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   At San Domingo when Hojeda arrived on the coast, <a href="#​page98">​98</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Columbus</​b>,​ Diego, lawsuit, efforts made to show that others made discoveries besides the Admiral, <a href="#​pagexxxiv">​xxxiv</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   proofs of his father'​s discoveries,​ <a href="#​pagexii">​xii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page73">​73</​a>,​ <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Columbus</​b>,​ Fernando, possessed a copy of the printed letters of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexxxv">​xxxv</​a>,​ <a href="#​page84">​84</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Coquibacoa</​b>,​ province, <a href="#​page33">​33</​a>,​ <a href="#​page91">​91</​a>,​ <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>,​ <a href="#​page98">​98</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cosa</​b>,​ Juan de la, with Hojeda, <a href="#​pageviii">​viii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page31">​31</​a>,​ <a href="#​page71">​71</​a>,​ <a href="#​page73">​73</​a>,​ <a href="#​page85">​85</​a>,​ <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   account of a voyage in Vianelo'​s letter, <a href="#​pagexiii">​xiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexiv">​xiv</​a>,​ <a href="#​page58">​58</​a>​-<​a href="#​page61">​61</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   called "Juan Vizcaino",​ <a href="#​page81">​81</​a>,​ <a href="#​page100">​100</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   in a boat to parley with Roldan, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   map, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   evidence against Vespucci from map of, <a href="#​pagexxxv">​xxxv</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​i>​Cosmographiæ Introductio</​i>,​ <a href="#​pagexviii">​xviii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Course</​b>​ (see <​b>​Winds</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Crocodiles</​b>​ (see <​b>​Lagartos</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cumana</​b>,​ <a href="#​page91">​91</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Cuquibacoa</​b>​ (see <​b>​Coquibacoa</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Curaçoa</​b>,​ isle (see <​b>​Isla de los Gigantes</​b>​),​ <a href="#​page33">​33</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Dante</​b>,​ quoted by Vespucci, <a href="#​pagevii">​vii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page3">​3</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​D'​Avezac</​b>,​ his opinion of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagei">​i</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Dominica</​b>​ (see <​b>​Iti</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Drago</​b>,​ Boca del, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>,​ <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>,​ <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>,​ <a href="#​page72">​72</​a>,​ <a href="#​page79">​79</​a>,​ <a href="#​page87">​87</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   on the map of Juan de la Cosa, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Escobar</​b>,​ Diego de, sent by Roldan to negotiate with Hojeda, <a href="#​page103">​103</​a>,​ <a href="#​page104">​104</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Española</​b>,​ arrival of Vespucci at, <a href="#​page29">​29</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   Hojeda at, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>,​ <a href="#​page33">​33</​a>,​ <a href="#​page98">​98</​a>,​ <a href="#​page106">​106</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ethiopia</​b>,​ coast, <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>,​ <a href="#​page41">​41</​a>,​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ethiopic Promontory</​b>,​ so called by Ptolemy, <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ferdinand</​b>,​ King, alleged to have sent Vespucci, <a href="#​page2">​2</​a>,​ <a href="#​page3">​3</​a>,​ <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>,​ <a href="#​page72">​72</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   his bad appointments,​ <a href="#​pagexiv">​xiv</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Fernando Noronha</​b>,​ isles, shipwreck at, <a href="#​pagexlii">​xlii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>,​ <a href="#​page54">​54</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Fish</​b>,​ loaves made of, <a href="#​page14">​14</​a>,​ <a href="#​page87">​87</​a>​ </li>
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page117"​ name="​page117"></​a>​[117]</​span>​
 +      <​b>​Fishery</​b>​ of "​parchi"​ on the African coast, <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ "<​b>​Flechado</​b>,"​ Puerto, of Hojeda, <a href="#​page33">​33</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Florida</​b>,​ concession to Ponce de Leon, evidence against Vespucci from, <a href="#​pagexxxviii">​xxxviii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Fonseca</​b>,​ Bishop of Palencia, sent Hojeda, <a href="#​pagevii">​vii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page31">​31</​a>,​ <a href="#​page70">​70</​a>,​ <a href="#​page77">​77</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   his licence to Hojeda, <a href="#​page77">​77</​a>,​ <a href="#​page101">​101</​a>,​ <a href="#​page106">​106</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   his opinion of Vespucci, <a href="#​pageviii">​viii</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   his bad appointments,​ <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   maps shown to Peter Martyr by, <a href="#​pagexxxvii">​xxxvii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxxviii">​xxxviii</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Food</​b>​ of natives, <a href="#​page11">​11</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Fortunate Isles</​b>,​ <a href="#​page4">​4</​a>,​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​i>​Four Voyages</​i>,​ book supposed to have been written by Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexxi">​xxi</​a>,​ <a href="#​page11">​11</​a>,​ <a href="#​page16">​16</​a>,​ <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>,​ <a href="#​page51">​51</​a>,​ <a href="#​page55">​55</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Fruits</​b>,​ <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>,​ <a href="#​page88">​88</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   beer made from, <a href="#​page24">​24</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Fuoco</​b>,​ isle, <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Galitut</​b>​ (see <​b>​Calicut</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Garcia</​b>,​ Antonio, a pilot, his evidence, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   Cristoval of Palos' evidence, <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Gigantes</​b>,​ Islas de, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>,​ <a href="#​page31">​31</​a>,​ <a href="#​page33">​33</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   same as Curaçoa, <a href="#​page33">​33</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   on map of Juan de la Cosa, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>​ (see <​b>​Island of Giants</​b>​) </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Giocondo</​b>,​ Giuliano di Bartolomeo di, sent to bring Vespucci to Portugal, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>,​ <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   translated Medici letter into Latin, <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>,​ <a href="#​page52">​52</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   not mentioned in Portuguese archives, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Goes</​b>,​ Damian de, silence respecting Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexl">​xl</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Golfo Dolce</​b>,​ <a href="#​page111">​111</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Gomara</​b>,​ his statement that many vessels took advantage of the concession in breach of the rights granted to Columbus, <a href="#​pagev">​v</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   statement that Pinzon was on the Honduras coast before Columbus, <a href="#​pagexxxii">​xxxii</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Gorée</​b>,​ or <​b>​Besechiece</​b>​ (which see), <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Gracia</​b>,​ name given by Columbus, <a href="#​page68">​68</​a>,​ <a href="#​page70">​70</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Gracias a Dios</​b>,​ Cape, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Guadalupe</​b>​ (see <​b>​Iti</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Guanaja</​b>,​ isle, Pinzon and Solis at, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page108">​108</​a>,​ <a href="#​page110">​110</​a>,​ <a href="#​page111">​111</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Guarapiche</​b>,​ river, <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Harrisse</​b>,​ Mr., unable to find entries respecting Vespucci, referred to by Muñoz, <a href="#​pagev">​v</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   established the correct date and direction of the voyage of Pinzon and Solis, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Hatteras</​b>,​ Cape, <a href="#​pagexxvii">​xxvii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Herrera</​b>,​ on the voyage of Pinzon and Solis, <a href="#​pagexxxii">​xxxii</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   protest against the name of America, <a href="#​pagexxxix">​xxxix</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Hispaniola</​b>​ (see <​b>​Española</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Hojeda</​b>,​ Alonso de, his evidence respecting his voyage, <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   dispatch of his expedition, <a href="#​pagevi">​vi</​a>,​ <a href="#​page31">​31</​a>,​ <a href="#​page85">​85</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   had the chart of Columbus, <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   voyage, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>,​ <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>,​ <a href="#​page34">​34</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   dispute with Roldan, <a href="#​page34">​34</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   sent out by Fonseca, <a href="#​page31">​31</​a>,​ <a href="#​page70">​70</​a>,​ <a href="#​page79">​79</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   date of his departure, <a href="#​page78">​78</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Las Casas on his voyage, <a href="#​page85">​85</​a>,​ <a href="#​page91">​91</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   conduct at Española, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>,​ <a href="#​page98">​98</​a>​-<​a href="#​page106">​106</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   intrigues at Xaragua, <a href="#​page101">​101</​a>,​ <a href="#​page102">​102</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   kidnapping natives, <a href="#​page10">​10</​a>,​ <a href="#​page11">​11</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   outwitted by Roldan, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Honduras</​b>​ coast reached by Pinzon and Solis, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Humboldt</​b>,​ opinion of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagei">​i</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Hylacomylus</​b>​ (see <​b>​Waldzeemüller</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ignami</​b>,​ name of native food, <a href="#​pagexxiii">​xxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxx">​xxx</​a>,​ <a href="#​page11">​11</​a>,​ <a href="#​page13">​13</​a>,​ <a href="#​page14">​14</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Iguana</​b>,​ description of, <a href="#​page14">​14</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Illanes</​b>,​ Pedro de, one of Roldan'​s boat's crew, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Indians</​b>,​ Vespucci'​s account of, at his first landfall, <a href="#​page5">​5</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   appearance, arms, wars, women, large houses, <a href="#​page8">​8</​a>,​ <a href="#​page9">​9</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   burial, food, cannibals, <a href="#​page10">​10</​a>,​ <a href="#​page11">​11</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   dealings with, at a village like Venice, <a href="#​page12">​12</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   encounter with, <a href="#​page13">​13</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   hospitality,​ curiosity, <a href="#​page16">​16</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   at the "​finest harbour in the world",​ <a href="#​page18">​18</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   encounters with, at Iti, <a href="#​page19">​19</​a>,​ <a href="#​page20">​20</​a>,​ <a href="#​page94">​94</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   carried off to sell as slaves, <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>,​ <a href="#​page95">​95</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   at Trinidad, <a href="#​page24">​24</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   habit of chewing leaves, <a href="#​page25">​25</​a>,​ <a href="#​page26">​26</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   make beer from fruit, <a href="#​page24">​24</​a>;​ </li>
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page118"​ name="​page118"></​a>​[118]</​span>​
 +        on the Isle of Giants, <a href="#​page27">​27</​a>​ (see <​b>​Brazil</​b>​) </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Irving</​b>,​ Washington, opinion of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagei">​i</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Island</​b>,​ natives chewing green leaves on, <a href="#​page25">​25</​a>,​ <a href="#​page26">​26</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   of Giants, natives, adventure with, <a href="#​pagexxiv">​xxiv</​a>,​ <a href="#​page27">​27</​a>,​ <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Iti</​b>,​ islands, <a href="#​page19">​19</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   encounters with natives, <a href="#​page19">​19</​a>,​ <a href="#​page20">​20</​a>,​ <a href="#​page94">​94</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   name, <a href="#​page19">​19</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   natives carried off as slaves, <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>,​ <a href="#​page95">​95</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   loss of Spaniards at, <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   believed by Las Casas to be Dominica or Guadalupe, <a href="#​page93">​93</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   supposed by Varnhagen to be Bermuda, <a href="#​pagexxvii">​xxvii</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Jocundus</​b>​ (see <​b>​Giocondo</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Juca</​b>,​ name of food of natives, <a href="#​pagexxiii">​xxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxx">​xxx</​a>,​ <a href="#​page11">​11</​a>​ (see <​b>​Yoca</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <b>La Ballena</​b>,​ Gulf of, <a href="#​page68">​68</​a>​ (see <​b>​Paria</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Lagartos</​b>,​ or crocodiles, <a href="#​page91">​91</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Landfall</​b>​ of alleged first voyage, <a href="#​page4">​4</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   of Hojeda'​s voyage, <a href="#​page21">​21</​a>,​ <a href="#​page22">​22</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of Portuguese voyage, <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>,​ <a href="#​page36">​36</​a>,​ <a href="#​page44">​44</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Lariab</​b>,​ name in Italian edition for <​i>​Parias</​i>,​ <a href="#​pagexxiii">​xxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxx">​xxx</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxxi">​xxxi</​a>,​ <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Las Casas</​b>​ on the alleged first voyage of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagei">​i</​a>,​ <a href="#​page68">​68</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   objection to the name America, <a href="#​pagexxxix">​xxxix</​a>,​ <a href="#​page76">​76</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   proofs of the untruthfulness of Vespucci, <a href="#​pageviii">​viii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxxix">​xxxix</​a>,​ <a href="#​page83">​83</​a>,​ <a href="#​page87">​87</​a>,​ <a href="#​page89">​89</​a>,​ <a href="#​page93">​93</​a>,​ <a href="#​page97">​97</​a>,​ <a href="#​page107">​107</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   comments on baptisms by Vespucci, <a href="#​page88">​88</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   his account of the conduct of Hojeda at Española, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>,​ <a href="#​page98">​98</​a>​-<​a href="#​page106">​106</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   evidence from Roldan that the encounter, when one Spaniard was killed and about twenty wounded, was during Hojeda'​s voyage, <a href="#​pagexxix">​xxix</​a>,​ <a href="#​page81">​81</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   on the voyage of Pinzon and Solis, <a href="#​pagexxxii">​xxxii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page111">​111</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Latitude</​b>​ of Canaria, of landfall on first voyage, <a href="#​page4">​4</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   of land reached in first voyage, <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of landfall on second voyage, <a href="#​page22">​22</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   wrong latitude for coast of Spanish main, <a href="#​page29">​29</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of Besechiece, <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of landfall on coast of Brazil, <a href="#​page36">​36</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of Cape St. Augustine, <a href="#​pageviii">​viii</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page38">​38</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   beyond the Tropic of Capricorn, <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>,​ <a href="#​page45">​45</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of land sighted far south, <a href="#​page40">​40</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   marvellous latitude for Malacca, <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of the fort on the coast of Brazil, <a href="#​page55">​55</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Lawsuit</​b>​ of Diego Columbus, evidence of Hojeda, <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   of Pinzon, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of Ledesma, <a href="#​pagexxxii">​xxxii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page110">​110</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of Antonio Garcia, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of Bastidas, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   of Nicolas Perez, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Leaves</​b>,​ habit of chewing, <a href="#​page25">​25</​a>,​ <a href="#​page26">​26</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ledesma</​b>,​ Pedro de, his age, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   statement that Pinzon and Solis went north, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page110">​110</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   account of, <a href="#​page110">​110</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Leon</​b>,​ Ponce de, concession to discover Florida, <a href="#​pagexxxviii">​xxxviii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Linares</​b>,​ Toribio de, detained Hojeda, <a href="#​page104">​104</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Lisbon</​b>,​ Vespucci at, when he wrote to Soderini, <a href="#​pagevii">​vii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page2">​2</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   distance from Gran Canaria, <a href="#​page4">​4</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Vespucci sailed from, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>,​ <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   return, <a href="#​page41">​41</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   sailed a second time, <a href="#​pagexlii">​xlii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page52">​52</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   return, <a href="#​page56">​56</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   distance to equator, <a href="#​page50">​50</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Vespucci at, when the Cantino map was drawn, <a href="#​pagexxxvi">​xxxvi</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Longitude</​b>,​ alleged observation for, landfall for first voyage, <a href="#​page4">​4</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Lorraine</​b>,​ Duke of (see <​b>​Réné</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Malacca</​b>,​ departure of Vespucci to discover, <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   latitude, <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Mandraga</​b>,​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Manoel</​b>,​ King of Portugal, voyage of Vespucci by order of, <a href="#​page2">​2</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Maracaibo</​b>​ (see <​b>​San Bartolomé</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Maracapana</​b>,​ <a href="#​page91">​91</​a>,​ <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Margarita</​b>,​ isle, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>,​ <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>,​ <a href="#​page72">​72</​a>,​ <a href="#​page73">​73</​a>,​ <a href="#​page89">​89</​a>,​ <a href="#​page91">​91</​a>,​ <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   on the map of Juan de la Cosa, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Martyr</​b>,​ Peter, direction of the voyage age of Pinzon and Solis fixed by his mention of Chabaca and Pintigron, <a href="#​pagexxxiv">​xxxiv</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   evidence of, <a href="#​page74">​74</​a>,​ <a href="#​page79">​79</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   opinion of Vespucci, <a href="#​pageviii">​viii</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   evidence that Vespucci helped in the Cantino map, <a href="#​pagexxxvii">​xxxvii</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page119"​ name="​page119"></​a>​[119]</​span>​
 +      <​b>​Mecænas</​b>,​ alluded to by Vespucci, <a href="#​pagevii">​vii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page2">​2</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Medici Letter</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexii">​xii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>,​ <a href="#​page42">​42</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   editions, <a href="#​pagexvii">​xvii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexviii">​xviii</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Medici</​b>,​ Lorenzo Pietro Francesco, <a href="#​pageiv">​iv</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexii">​xii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>,​ <a href="#​page42">​42</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Melaccha</​b>​ (see <​b>​Malacca</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Mendez</​b>,​ Diego, <a href="#​page57">​57</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Mini</​b>,​ Lisabetta, mother of Vespucci, <a href="#​pageiii">​iii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Montoya</​b>,​ one of Roldan'​s boat's crew, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Morales</​b>,​ Andres de, evidence of, <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>,​ <a href="#​page97">​97</​a>,​ <a href="#​page113">​113</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Muñoz</​b>,​ opinion of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagei">​i</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   mention of entries respecting Vespucci, <a href="#​pagev">​v</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Myrrh</​b>,​ <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Natives</​b>​ (see <​b>​Indians,​ Brazil</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Nativity</​b>,​ Bay of, named by Pinzon and Solis, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>,​ <a href="#​page112">​112</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Navarrete</​b>,​ opinion of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagei">​i</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   suggested Tristan d'​Acunha as the southern land of Vespucci, <a href="#​page40">​40</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​New World</​b>,​ coast of Brazil so called by Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexvi">​xvi</​a>​-<​a href="#​pagexviii">​xviii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page42">​42</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Niccolini</​b>,​ Donato, sent to Spain with Vespucci, <a href="#​pageiv">​iv</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Orinoco</​b>,​ Hojeda off the mouth of, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ovando</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexiv">​xiv</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Oviedo</​b>,​ statement that Pinzon was on the Honduras coast before Columbus, <a href="#​pagexxxii">​xxxii</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   discrepancy between his statement and that of Vespucci respecting the number of ships, supposing Vespucci to have sailed with Pinzon and Solis, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Padron Real</​b>,​ chart so called, corrected periodically,​ to be kept at Seville for reference, <a href="#​page65">​65</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Parchi</​b>​ (see <​b>​Fishery</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Paria</​b>,​ visited by Hojeda, <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>,​ <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>,​ <a href="#​page31">​31</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   discovered by Columbus, <a href="#​page68">​68</​a>,​ <a href="#​page71">​71</​a>,​ <a href="#​page73">​73</​a>,​ <a href="#​page75">​75</​a>,​ <a href="#​page79">​79</​a>,​ <a href="#​page80">​80</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   gulf of, <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   on the map of Juan de la Cosa, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Pinzon and Solis sailed towards, <a href="#​pagexxxiv">​xxxiv</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Parias</​b>,​ name of a province visited by Vespucci in his alleged first voyage, <a href="#​page17">​17</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   question of the names <​i>​Parias</​i>​ and <​i>​Lariab</​i>,​ <a href="#​pagexxiii">​xxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxx">​xxx</​a>,​ <a href="#​page74">​74</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page87">​87</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pearls</​b>,​ <a href="#​page29">​29</​a>,​ <a href="#​page48">​48</​a>,​ <a href="#​page76">​76</​a>,​ <a href="#​page91">​91</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pedrarias</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexiv">​xiv</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   Giovanni Vespucci as pilot with, <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Penalosa</​b>,​ Francisco de, uncle of Las Casas, <a href="#​page77">​77</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Perez</​b>,​ Nicolas, evidence of, <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pilot Major</​b>,​ appointment of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexiv">​xiv</​a>,​ <a href="#​page64">​64</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   to teach the pilots, <a href="#​page64">​64</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pilots</​b>,​ with Hojeda, <a href="#​page31">​31</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   orders respecting, <a href="#​page64">​64</​a>,​ <a href="#​page65">​65</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   qualifications of, <a href="#​pageix">​ix</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Giovanni Vespucci appointed, <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pinelo</​b>,​ Treasurer, receipt for Vespucci, of money to pay sailors, <a href="#​page5">​5</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pintigron</​b>,​ in voyage of Pinzon and Solis, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>,​ <a href="#​page110">​110</​a>​ (see <​b>​Martyr</​b>,​ Peter) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pintor</​b>,​ Juan, a deserter from Hojeda, <a href="#​page104">​104</​a>,​ <a href="#​page106">​106</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pinzon</​b>,​ Vicente Yañez, evidence at the lawsuit, <a href="#​pagexxxii">​xxxii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page109">​109</​a>,​ <a href="#​page111">​111</​a>,​ <a href="#​page113">​113</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   direction of voyage, <a href="#​pagexxxiv">​xxxiv</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   projected voyage with Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexiii">​xiii</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   date of voyage with Solis, <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Pliny</​b>,​ quoted by Vespucci, <a href="#​pagevii">​vii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page2">​2</​a>,​ <a href="#​page48">​48</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Policletus</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagevii">​vii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page48">​48</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Portugal</​b>,​ King of (Manoel), sent for Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>,​ <a href="#​page34">​34</​a>​ (see <​b>​Vespucci</​b>​);​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   Vespucci hoped the King would return his journal, <a href="#​page51">​51</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Portuguese</​b>​ called Española by the name of <​i>​Antilla</​i>​ or <​i>​Antiglia</​i>,​ <a href="#​pagexxxvi">​xxxvi</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page29">​29</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page107">​107</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   archives silent respecting Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexl">​xl</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   voyages of Vespucci with, <a href="#​pagexl">​xl</​a>​-<​a href="#​pagexliii">​xliii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page34">​34</​a>​-<​a href="#​page56">​56</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ptolemy</​b>,​ Vespucci mentions him as having called Cape Verde the "​Ethiopic Promontory",​ <a href="#​page43">​43</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Puerto Flechado</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagex">​x</​a>​ </li>
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page120"​ name="​page120"></​a>​[120]</​span>​
 +      <​b>​Réné II</​b>,​ Duke of Lorraine, Latin edition of the Vespucci letter dedicated to, <a href="#​pagexii">​xii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexviii">​xviii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page1">​1</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page69">​69</​a>,​ <a href="#​page71">​71</​a>,​ <a href="#​page84">​84</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ringmann</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexliii">​xliii</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Rivers</​b>,​ inundated mouths, at landfall of Hojeda'​s voyage, <a href="#​page22">​22</​a>,​ <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Robertson</​b>,​ opinion of Vespucci, <a href="#​pagei">​i</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Roldan</​b>,​ Bartolomé, with Hojeda, <a href="#​page71">​71</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Roldan</​b>,​ Francisco, dispute with Hojeda, <a href="#​page34">​34</​a>,​ <a href="#​page78">​78</​a>,​ <a href="#​page80">​80</​a>​-<​a href="#​page81">​81</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   report to Columbus, <a href="#​page81">​81</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   sent by Columbus to watch Hojeda, <a href="#​page98">​98</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   outwits Hojeda, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   evidence as to killed and wounded in Hojeda'​s voyage, <a href="#​pagexxix">​xxix</​a>,​ <a href="#​page81">​81</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Roquemes</​b>,​ in the Canaries, <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Salvador</​b>,​ one of Roldan'​s boat's crew, <a href="#​page105">​105</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​St. Augustine</​b>,​ Cape, <a href="#​pagexli">​xli</​a>,​ <a href="#​pageviii">​viii</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page38">​38</​a>,​ <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​San Bartolomé</​b>,​ Gulf, <a href="#​page33">​33</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​San Domingo</​b>,​ Bartolomé Roldan a citizen of, <a href="#​page71">​71</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   Andres de Morales at, <a href="#​page96">​96</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   news of Hojeda brought to Columbus at, <a href="#​page98">​98</​a>,​ <a href="#​page101">​101</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   arrival of ships of Hojeda at San Domingo does not refer to the first voyage, when Vespucci was with him, <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ (see <​b>​Española</​b>,​ <​b>​Antilla</​b>​) </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​San Lucar</​b>,​ <a href="#​page69">​69</​a>,​ <a href="#​page75">​75</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​San Roman</​b>,​ Cape, <a href="#​page33">​33</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Santa</​b>,​ isles, name given by Columbus, <a href="#​page68">​68</​a>,​ <a href="#​page70">​70</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Santa Maria</​b>,​ Port of, <a href="#​page70">​70</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Santarem</​b>,​ Visconde, found no trace of the name of Vespucci in Portuguese archives, <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexl">​xl</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Serra Leone</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexlii">​xlii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page41">​41</​a>,​ <a href="#​page53">​53</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Seville</​b>,​ Vespucci at, <a href="#​pageiv">​iv</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexi">​xi</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexii">​xii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page34">​34</​a>,​ <a href="#​page35">​35</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   pilots to be taught at, <a href="#​page64">​64</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Hojeda known at, <a href="#​page70">​70</​a>,​ <a href="#​page78">​78</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   Ledesma born at, <a href="#​page110">​110</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Soderini</​b>,​ Pietro, Gonfaloniere of Florence, <a href="#​pagexii">​xii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexviii">​xviii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page1">​1</​a>,​ <a href="#​page2">​2</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Solis</​b>,​ Juan Diaz de, voyage with Pinzon, <a href="#​pagexiv">​xiv</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxxii">​xxxii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxxiii">​xxxiii</​a>,​ <a href="#​page107">​107</​a>,​ <a href="#​page110">​110</​a>,​ <a href="#​page111">​111</​a>,​ <a href="#​page113">​113</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​  ​pension of Vespucci'​s widow paid out of salary, <a href="#​pagexv">​xv</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​South Georgia</​b>,​ supposed to have been sighted by Vespucci, <a href="#​pagexlii">​xlii</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page40">​40</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Stars</​b>,​ observations in the South Hemisphere, <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>,​ <a href="#​page41">​41</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   southern stars, <a href="#​page40">​40</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   <​i>​Canopus</​i>,​ <a href="#​page49">​49</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Tampico</​b>,​ Varnhagen places Vespucci at, <a href="#​pagexxxvi">​xxxvi</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Trees</​b>​ in Brazil, <a href="#​pagexli">​xli</​a>​ (see <​b>​Cassia</​b>,​ <​b>​Canna fistola</​b>,​ <​b>​Brazil</​b>​) </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Trinidad</​b>,​ isle discovered by Columbus, <a href="#​page68">​68</​a>,​ <a href="#​page72">​72</​a>;​
 +<​ul><​li> ​   visited by Hojeda, <a href="#​page30">​30</​a>,​ <a href="#​page32">​32</​a>​ </​li></​ul></​li>​
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Tristan d'​Acunha</​b>,​ <a href="#​pagexlii">​xlii</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>,​ <a href="#​page40">​40</​a>​ <​i>​n.</​i>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Truxillo</​b>,​ Diego de, detained by Hojeda, <a href="#​page104">​104</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ulysses</​b>,​ death of, in Dante, referred to by Vespucci, <a href="#​page3">​3</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Ursa</​b>​ Major and Minor lost sight of, <a href="#​page39">​39</​a>,​ <a href="#​page40">​40</​a>​ </li>
 +<​li> ​ <​b>​Varnhagen</​b>,​ his work to rehabilitate Vespucci, <a href="#​pageii">​ii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxvi">​xxvi</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxvii">​xxvii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexxxviii">​xxxviii</​a>,​ <a href="#​pagexliv">​xliv</​a>;​
 +<span class="​pagenum"><​a id="​page121"​ name="​page121"></​a>​[121]</​span>​
 +        purchase of Italian edition of Vespucci'​s letter, <a href="#​pagexix">​xix</​a>;​ </li>
 +<​li> ​   his theory of Vespucci'​s first voyage, <a href="#​pagexxvi">​xxvi</​a>;